benefit of one section and of this metropolis. Let our appropriations take a wider scope and a more useful object.

In discussing unjust and unequal appropriations, Mr. Cox said:

There is a power arising in the West which will one day-not far ahead, either-after the next census, in 1860, perhaps, correct these evils, while it looks after its own interests, so shamelessly neglected. A few admonitory facts in this connection may not be amiss. The present rate of increase of the population of the western States, particularly of the northwestern, indicates that by 1863, when the new congressional apportionment will be in operation, there will be on this floor, representing what may be called western interests, one hundred and twenty-five members out of two hundred and forty-one, if such should be the number of the House. Whatever the number, those States which have a common interest in western agriculture and commerce will have a preponderance. The Northwest alone will outnumber New York and New England. Where it now has fifty-three, it will have, under the next census, eighty -nearly one-third of the whole number of Representatives. This will command a controlling influence. It is to be hoped it will be sufficient to stop the suicidal disunion cry of North and South. Let the West repose in its might. It can afford to wait. The lines of empire are on the face of the cradled Hercules.

Thirty-eight years ago General Cass visited a village of ten or twelve houses, containing sixty people, by means of a bark canoe, by way of the Wisconsin River and Green Bay. That village of 1820 is the Chicago of 1858, with one hundred and fifty thousand people. It is the terminus of more railways than any other city of the Union, and has become the great grain depot of the world! This marvellous increase of one city is but the little forefinger, as it were, pointing out to the greater West of a greater future than has yet been dreamed, when there shall be opened up to emigration and production the great plains of America which lie between the meridian line which terminates the States of Louisiana, Arkansas, Missouri, Iowa, and Minnesota, on the west, and the Rocky Mountains, out of which twenty-four new States will arise with the same abundance of resources which marks the States of the Mississippi valley!

It is a common practice, in discussions of this character, to show the expenses of our Government when we were young, and, by contrast with the present, to decry the present lack of economy. One of my colleagues [Mr. SHERMAN], in an able speech this session, after giving table after table of figures showing our expenses in the past, and comparing them with the present, did not give sufficient heed, in my humble judgment, to the great increase in all the departments of industry, and in all the resources of our fast-growing commonwealths. Here is a sample of this sort of fallacy taken from his speech:

"The expenses of this year, the first under Mr. Buchanan's administration, will be $5,000,000 more than the entire expenses of the Govern ment from its foundation to the close of Jefferson's administration. The aggregate expenses for the first twenty years of our Government were $78,363,762; and I have already shown that, this year, the expenses exceed $83,000,000."

Such statements prejudice without convincing. There is no comparison to be drawn between such a remote era as the first twenty years of our Government and the present time. Since then we have had steamships, steamboats, steam sea vessels of war, steam sea mail service. We have added since then to our area five-fold. We have more than doubled the States, and we have now six Territories. Within a half century what have we done? Moved the Indians west and further west of the Mississippi. We have given them missionaries and whiskey, money and schools; and our Interior Department are trying to civilize all the War Department do not murder. We have made our land the principal cotton and great grain-growing country of the world. Our marine now exceeds that of England in tonnage. Our manufactures now compete with Europe in South America and the Orient. We have increased our numbers nearly six-fold, for in 1808 our population was about six millions; we have increased our federal expenses about twelve-fold, but our annual private income fifteen-fold!

There is no fairness in tables like those of my colleague [Mr. SHERMAN], which institute comparisons between different years, and which take the increase of population only as the test of a true ratio of increase in expenses. Conclusions from such premises may well be called "monsters of imagination begotten on a cloud of statistics." Why, it would be hardly fair to compare the expenses of ten or five years ago with those of the present. Last year our expenses were over sixty-five millions. In 1850 they were only $37,000,000. "What prodigality!" says the sophist. He ought not to say it, till he remembers what empires we have opened since 1850, what new and great calls are made on our Treasury for the proper protection of added interests. In 1830 we had an expenditure of over thirteen millions. "Now," says the sophist, "it is nearly six times as much." Think of one fact in this connection, and you will not hastily conclude on such premises. In 1830 a writer in Philadelphia glories over the wonderful fact that whereas, in 1824, only about three thousand dollars in gold from domestic sources was sent to the Mint, then, in 1830, it had increased to $130,000. But, let me add, what a change since 1830! Now, our domestic yield of gold exceeds fifty millions per annum ! There is but one criterion for the increase of our expenses. It is not the increase of our population; such a ratio is an unfair test of true economy: but it is the increase of all the interests in view of our increased national wealth, area, and importance. Whenever these interests and the honor of the nation do not demand it, our expenses must be kept down with rigid firmness.

The expectations of the Government from the last tariff have been foiled by the financial troubles. The expenses of the Government for this year have been somewhat increased by the Utah troubles, as well as by the naturally growing demands of our growing nation. It becomes us to meet these expenses in a patriotic spirit; to furnish means to preserve untarnished our national honor. Compared to the Governments of the Old World, loaded as they are with debts, our condition, at the worst, is happy. A hundred millions is no debt to a nation like ours, with its resources and its energies. We throw off such debts as lightly as a summer gar

ment.

Far be it from me to encourage a system of national debt. If we need money just now in our exchequer, let us borrow it; trusting, as we may do with reason, to the revival of business already begun, which will insure before long a revenue sufficient for expenses. Far better borrow than fill a treasury to overflowing by a high tariff. Let the present tariff be fully tested; and if it fail, in a fair season, to give us a sufficient revenue, then let it be modified to suit the exigency. The reverses of 1837 were terrible. The country staggered under them for years. The reverses of 1857 are comparatively easy to be borne. We have now a better banking system, a more healthful curtailment of private expenditure, and a better system of public finance-the sub-treasury. We had not these twenty years ago. Already the disease of last year is wearing out. It is found not to be chronic. Individuals have economized manfully. Our decreased imports-which are the very cause of our loan bills and lank treasury-show a recovery going on at once healthful and invigorating. So that our seeming disaster of an empty treasury is the index of a restorative process which will bring prosperity.

I hope that the economy which the people are now practising in their own troubles, may be practised by our Government in its embarrassments. We need to be reminded by misfortune of the evils of extravagance. This is an age of luxury. Could the people who have sent us here glance at this Hall, ornamented with all the bedizenment of gilt and paint; could they hear but one discussion on the monster schemes and inordinate extravagance of the last Congress; and believe half their eye saw or ear heard, there would be more excitement on economical than territorial affairs. Their surprise would but indicate a fact, that our Government and its rulers are far in advance of the people in the vices, and far behind them in the virtues, of republican life. That simplicity which obtains among the masses in New England, in New York, in the West and South, has but little reflection either in the social life or political legislation of the metropolis.

In saying this much, I am not indifferent to the proud fact that our governments, Federal and State, are yet the models, in an economical view, to which the reformers of England and the continents point, for the guidance of their own governments. No man can read without patriotic emotion the plaudits of De Tocqueville, as he discourses of the simplicity and economy of our system. Again and again have Cobden, Hume, and Roebuck, from the English hustings and in Parliament, referred to these United States for lessons in an economy which is liberal without being extravagant, and which has striven to be discriminating without being mean. It was only a few weeks ago that Mr. Bright bemoaned, in a letter to Birmingham, the suffering consequent upon the increasing taxes of England. He could find no remedy except in the diminution of their augmenting expenditure. He startled the English people by showing that their Government was now spending £20,000,000 sterling more than they were spending a few years back, and that since 1835, when Wellington and Peel had charge of the Government, their military expenses alone had doubled; and then, pointing to this nation, he said:

"This year, we shall raise at least £50,000,000 sterling more than will be required to be raised by an equal population living not in England, but the United States of America!"

Two hundred and fifty million dollars is the burden which twenty-seven million people pay in Great Britain over and above what the same number would pay in America, under our Government. Can we wonder, then, that where the burdens are so heavy, and the political privileges so few, so many are now considering the propriety and advantage of emigration; and that at this moment the unemployed of the manufacturing districts of England are appealing to the Queen for an extensive system of free emigration?

If such be the attractive force of our economy, how carefully should we guard it! We should not be content with the flattering contrasts we can draw with the Old World! If we find in our expenditure a dangerous augmentation, let us apply the canons of our party platforms to practical legislation, and lop off the excrescences where we can. At least, let us protest where we cannot lop off, and so guard our future against deficiency bills, and loan bills, as to secure the greatest economy with the least government possible, consistent with security.

TARIFF IN 1864.

THE CONSUMERS, THE SERFS OF CAPITAL.-NEW RELATIONS OF PAPER MONEY TO THE TARIFF.— PROTECTED AND UNPROTECTED STATES AND CLASSES.-ROBBERY OF CONSUMERS.-RAPACITY

OF MONOPOLY.

Mr. Chairman, the honorable gentleman [Mr. MORRILL] who reported this bill, has just assured us that it is only a war measure of temporary duration. Feeling the necessity of apologizing for the bill, which is an aggravation of the tariff of 1862, the gentleman terms it a war measure. If it were not that we are already immersed in a war whose excitements are so absorbing that no time is left for reflection upon other subjects of policy, this tariff might well be called a war measure. Its oppressive character is enormous enough to produce revolution.

On the 25th of February, 1861, I came to this House from a sick bed to protest against the tariff bill then pending. I denounced it as a great fiscal tyranny, a mountainous burden on the West. While favoring a revenue tariff to meet our then small expenditures, I opposed bounties, special advantages, and class legislation. I showed that the bill as then designed raised bounties from the consumers of the West and South, to be paid to the iron-masters of Pennsylvania, and the manufacturers of New England. That bill was urged as a measure of protection, protection to western interests. I then said "that the West could take care of itself. It is rich by nature in its resources; and if the people of Pennsylvania cannot live by working their forges, with their own natural resources; and if the people of New England cannot live by working their spindles, with their natural ingenuity, without the aid of other classes of industry and the bounty of the Government, let them move to the West, and there the God of nature will protect them in the cultivation of the soil, if they have the industry to work and the frugality to save."

The

Since then, sir, that tariff so burdensome has been enormously increased. Our debt, then so small, being only $67,281,591, with an interest of only about four millions, was, on the 15th day of March, 1864, $1,580,201,744. On that day we had a paper currency, including certificates of indebtedness, amounting to $779,683,922. Since then these sums have been increased. Figures fail to express the magnitude of our burdens and liabilities. Nor do I intend to complain of them now. war has brought them. Neither will I discuss now who are responsible for either the war or its incidents. I accept the existing facts. Having voted against the high tariffs, the paper system, and the whole scheme of finance in all its stages, I am not in anywise responsible for their existence. We are spending $3,000,000 a day; $1,000,000,000 a year. Irrespective of loans, we are striving to meet this enormous outlay by the tax bill, which is to raise $200,000,000 per year, and the tariff, which will meet perhaps $50,000,000 more.

I do not oppose the raising of these sums. The credit of the Government demands it. I accept events, but I do not accept every plan to raise these sums, nor any plan because proposed by the dominant party or its committees in this House. We have no business here as Representatives if we do not question every plan, especially if it affects unfairly our own State or constituents. I am not a Representative, but a slave, if I yield to the clamor of one section or class for benefits which affect unjustly another section or class. I do not represent the rich, they can take care of themselves; nor the poor altogether; but a principle which requires that taxation shall fall equally on all: that the benefits of legislation shall not inure to one class, and its burdens be laid upon another. I propose to prove that this is the effect of the existing and proposed legislation.

By the joint resolution passed a few weeks ago, we increased the tariff rates of 1862 fifty per cent. The present bill, while repealing that resolution after the 1st of July, does not lessen but increases largely the same rates. It adds to them, on most articles, the amount of the internal tax. The duties are paid in gold. This adds the premium of gold to the tariff rates. So that in considering the effect of these measures I must consider them as affected by the paper money which has been showered upon the country with such prodigality.

What, then, are the benefits accruing to the manufacturing classes, and the burdens imposed upon the agricultural and consuming classes, by the present tariff system and a depreciated paper currency? What, particularly, are their operations upon the industrial interests of New England and the western States as contrasted?

Before resorting to an arithmetical demonstration to show the effects of the tariff and "greenback" systems combined, I propose a few selfevident propositions as the basis of my calculations:

1. In the commercial transactions between two foreign countries, in fact all countries, the basis of exchange must be specie, and the currency of the countries must be reduced to their par values.

At present the gold currency of the United States contains more alloy that that of Great Britain, the difference in their values being that of nine cents on a dollar; eight and three quarters according to Tate's Cambist.