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bly bad, and its extermination a permanent duty, incumbent on European Christendom. It is not their violation of their own national standard of morals, in the hot blood of revenge, as the English in India took vengeance for Cawnpore. It is the certainty that they have not, nor ever will have, any moral or religious principle that will stand in the way of their making a Cawnpore of every Christian village in their empire, whenever they see what they think sufficient reason for so doing; and the certainty that they neither look for nor appreciate the condemnation they are now receiving from the whole civilized world, outside the Disraeli ministry and its English admirers.

THE attitude of the English ministry towards the Turkish question, especially in view of the Bulgarian atrocities, admits of no explanation unless it be that hinted by the Spectator. It is not as De Tocqueville says, that the English, with all their abstract love of fair play, can never see anything to be unjust if it favors English interests, or just if it opposes them; and therefore do the most Machiavellian things in the most innocent way. For the bulk of the English people seem to have broken with the traditional maxim, "Let us keep Russia out of Constantinople;" they would now be glad to see that or any other power drive the Turks into the Bosphorus. Even Lord John Russell bids Russia God-speed on her crusade, if she will but undertake it. It is rather that England is led by a man whom she put in power in a moment of prejudiced excitement, when she was weary of hearing the pleas of her Aristides for justice, and of whom she cannot at once be rid—a man of fertile and facile intellect, but utterly unable to understand or to appeal to England's better self-a man as devoid of the better English qualities as any Turkish Pasha on the Golden Horn. And this man is one of a race of clannish instincts, keen resentments and long memories, whose brethren have suffered bitter persecution at the hands of these Slavs of the Danube, and who are repaying that persecution by their determined hostility to the Servian cause wherever they have voice or interest. The Viennese press, for instance, which is edited chiefly by Jews, has been characterized beyond all others by its strenuous support of Turkey. In this view of the matter, there is an element of retributive justice in the disasters of Servia.

But Mr. Disraeli cannot, for any long time, succeed in keeping

England in the line of sympathy with his natural and not unjust antipathies. He evidently thought that the English tradition about Constantinople would go a great way in confirming his support of Turkey, and he has only succeeded in forever shattering that tradition. He did not know, because he had no share in, what is best in English character-the moral impulses, the sympathy with the oppressed and the suffering, which are deeper and higher than diplomatic traditions. And we are not sorry to believe that at no distant day England will recall to power the Aristides who represents her better self. Mr. Gladstone's formal withdrawal from party leadership has proved only formal. He has had to speak for the nation once and again since that false step; and he never spoke more forcibly and truly than in his last pamphlet on the Eastern question, in which he reviews the facts presented by Mr. Schuyler's report, and advocates the erection of Bosnia, Herzegovina, but especially Bulgaria, into principalities, with the political status of Servia. The pressure for an early session of Parliament, if it succeeds, as it seems likely to do, will give Mr. Gladstone the opportunity of rendering a great service to humanity.

EVERY great business crisis leaves its mark upon the commerce of the world. That through which we are now passing, coinciding as it does with our vast display of our industrial energies in the Centennial Exhibition, promises to become memorable as marking the point of time at which the United States came forward as one of the great manufacturing centres competing for the supply of the world's demands for manufactures. The Exposition was to deal a death-blow to the Protective System by the comparison of foreign with domestic prices; and no pains have been spared by the English and some other exhibitors to impress upon the minds of the public the contrast between the cost of articles before and after the payment of duties. In some instances they have decidedly overshot the mark, and injured their chance of sales, by adding the full duty to the current English price, and thus asking more for their articles than they ordinarily bring in the New York market. But they have produced no result at all commensurate with their efforts. They have convinced those who were convinced already the petty minority of Free Traders who produce nothing; while they have confirmed in the opposite principle the great multitude of producers,

both masters and men, who are thus informed that their English cousins would gladly take their places as providers for the home market.

On the other hand, the great display of American machinery and the vast assembly of its products have helped to open the eyes of both natives and foreigners to the extent of our manufactures, which now employ more workmen than do those of the British Islands. And a comparison of the qualities of American and foreign wares in several of the most important staples, has suggested the propriety of creating new markets for them by bringing them to the notice of consuming nations, a work in which that veteran Free Trader, Mr. Edward Atkinson, is taking a prominent part. With this view, bales of American paper and cotton have been entrusted to the foreign Commissioners for distribution at home, and they have not only cordially accepted the responsibility, but in some cases have applied for still larger quantities for the purpose. There is no reason why similar efforts should not be made as regards our silks, woolens, metallic and earthen wares. In cotton goods, and in some branches of iron and steel work, we now compete largely with England, even in her home markets; and with a steady persistence in the Protective policy we may yet become what is "quite on the cards," according to our English critics, the greatest of the world's manufacturing centres.

The impression produced upon our English visitors by the Centennial Exhibition is already in part disclosed to us by the letter of Mr. Galton, one of the English judges, to the London Times, warning Englishmen that American manufactures have been so developed towards maturity and independence by Protection that England must soon expect to meet their competition in every quar

ter.

Mr. Galton is not alone in this opinion, for we learn from the Spectator that the English "papers are full of gloomy vaticinations respecting the manufacturing future of" England. "The alarm is expressed chiefly by returned visitors from the Philadelphia Exhibition, who have been strongly impressed with the undoubted advance made by the United States in all kinds of industrial enterprise."

THE political events of the month do not portend a specially happy Thanksgiving for the Democrats as such, though they will doubtless enjoy that national festival in their other capacity as

fathers, husbands, brothers and sons. The unexpectedly large majorities for the Republicans in Maine and Vermont would seem to show that the Republicans are both united and enthusiastic,—a state of things which was not counted on. The struggle in Indiana, whose result in October will either make or mar the fortunes of Tilden and Hendricks, is uncommonly vigorous, and the most impartial accounts seem to show that the prospects of the Democratic nominee for Governor are not improving. In New York, after the blunder of putting forward a candidate for Governor who absolutely refused the nomination, a ticket has been nominated by Mr. Tilden's special friends, which seems to indicate their sense of the need of Republican votes, as it does not contain the name of a single man who has not been identified with the Republican party during, and in most cases even since, the war.

In Massachusetts the nomination of Charles Francis Adams as the Democratic candidate for Governor carries the last of that eminent family of "breachy cattle" over to their hereditary enemies, the Democrats. The Adamses, from Samuel to John Quincy, jr., are men of fine abilities, and a rare instance of a family retaining its hold on American public life through successive generations. But from the first to the last of them they have been like an old-fashioned blunderbuss, which was far more sure to knock down him who handled it than to hurt his enemy. Mr. Adams will draw many Republican votes; several prominent newspapers, which support Mr. Hayes, have urged their readers to vote for him. But his perfectly proper line of conduct while Minister to England, and especially his not needlessly and impertinently interfering in behalf of sundry Fenians, has alienated many of the baser sort of Democrats. And at the Boston ratification meeting his name was hissed as well as applauded. This sort of opposition may have the effect of rallying to his support a very large body of those who regard his conduct as Minister to England with the gratitude it really deserves, because they know how difficult the task imposed upon him, and with what tact and courage he discharged it.

THE South continues to occupy a prominent place in the discussions of the campaign. It is an embarrassment to both parties, and both are both losing and gaining votes by their attitude towards it, though it is impossible to say how the balance stands. The orders

issued by the Administration to the United States Marshals throughout the South, and the vigorous shaking of the "bloody shirt" by Mr. Wheeler and other Republican orators, are undoing all the good effect of Gov. Hayes's pledge on the subject. Conservative people are saying, "We did hope that the war was over, and we begin to suspect that the chief troubles of that section arise from the perpetual interference from Washington." On the other hand, many Northerners are alarmed by the Democratic boast of "a solid South," and are beginning to ask what that means, and whether, in case of Mr. Tilden's election, there would be anything between the negro and the outburst of such passions as were displayed at Hamburg. They fail to see any evidence that that massacre excited any horror in the Democratic leaders and masses, either North or South, or excited any other comment than a muttered "Served them right!" And these people are not all worshipers of the great Reconstruction measures; many of them regard those measures as a great mistake, as an attempt to rebuild society upon the basis of its weakest elements. They neither wonder at the gross corruption of the Republican governments of such States as that party controls, nor at the violent irritation among the whites which takes the shape of violence and outrage in the heat of blood. But, none the less, they feel that, the situation being what it is, the first duty of the government is to protect the lives and persons of its people; and they see no reason to believe that Mr. Tilden would have any clearer outlook Southward than Mr. Disraeli had towards Bulgaria.

A NEW YORK paper has been unearthing Mr. Tilden's income tax return made in 1862, in connection with a more recent affidavit that he received in that year twenty thousand dollars for services to a single railroad. A statement made by a gentleman who was then in Mr. Tilden's office, shows that but a small part of this sum was earned during the year 1862, and that the law called for a return of the year's earnings, not of its receipts; if, therefore, Mr. Tilden reported his earnings in 1862 at something over seven thousand dollars, there is no sufficient reason to doubt his veracity. Some of the Republican papers profess their inability to regard this as a sufficient explanation, and they emphasize the fact that in the subsequent years Mr. Tilden made no report to the Assessor, allowing that officer to fill up the papers at a figure much smaller than his actual income. But we

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