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was

ceeded by Lord Harcourt, during whofe government opened (as Mr. P. expreffes it, p. 425) the door of civil liberty, through which the great body of the Irish Catholics. were afterwards admitted to the rights of fubjects." And left his Irish readers fhould make their own reflections upon the motive for "opening this door", he adds, " true it is, that the British minifty began at this time to be alarmed at the too well-grounded difcontents of the King's American fubjects: the conftitutional maxim, no reprefentation, no taxation, was fully confidered, and carried into action, on the other fide of the Atlantic". P. 425. We must inform our readers, that by the door then opened", this writer alludes to two Bills; one for fecuring money lent by Irifh Catholics on mortgages; and another to enable them, under certain provifions, to take long leafes; which measures were both the fpontaneous acts of a liberal government, which had no reafon at that time to be intimidated by the example of America; becaufe that party in Ireland whichi poffeffed the whole power of the state, civil and military, was not only able and willing to fupprefs any fymptoms of rebellion in their country, but was alfo very averfe from thefe meafures; infomuch fo, that it required great management by the government to induce thein to confent to - pass these Bills.

It is obfervable enough, that all the Catholic writers have taken great pains to convince "Catholic Ireland", that the conceffions (as they at fifl, and rights as they have fince denominated them) which have been, from time to time, obtained, were owing, not to the open and unfufpecting liberality" of Parliaments, but (to ufe a modern, and not very intelli, gible phrafe) to the wifdom and unbroken energies" of the Irish Roman Catholics themfelves. Nor can it have efcaped the obfervation of thofe at all acquainted with the writings of fome of that party, how often the example of Ame, rican independence has been held up to the people of Catholic Ireland".

*

In Mr. Plowden's Sketch of Lord Harcourt's adminiftration, we have a long account (p. 434, et feqq.) of the proceedings of the Irish Parliament, culled from their journals, and the newfpapers of the day; with a fketch of the debates in our Parliament in 1776; in which an hafly expreffion (p. 445) of Mr. Temple Luttrell, uttered in the heat of debate, is tri

An expreffion made ufe of in a pamphlet published in Dublin, in Auguft, 1803, by a Catholic barrifter, entitled "An Irish CathoLic's Advice", &c. &c.

umphantly

66

umphantly given, as a faithful picture of the state of Ireland at that time. Mr. P. has alfo given his readers, in this part of his work, a moft moving episode of increafing debts, declining trade, tontines, taxes, patriots, and concordatum, &c. &c. &c. Nevertheless, as Ireland was fo tranquil as to enable the government to fpare four thoufand of the troops (p. 482) on the Irish establishment for the fervice in America, we must take it for granted, without going into fuch minute details, that matters were not then quite fo bad in Ireland as he has represented them. Lord Buckinghamshire fucceeded Lord Harcourt; and Mr. P. informs us (p. 446) that he went over the worn fervant of the British Cabinet; and, left there Jhould be a knot in the thread of fubferviency, he took over his attorney, Mr. Heron, as his fecretary." "His Lordship found that country in a moft deplorable ftate of diftrefs"; (p. 447) that is, Lord Buckinghamshire found a great num. ber of the working people deprived of employment by our rupture with America, who were at length relieved by public charity. Ireland, particularly the northern part of it, fuffered extremely by this war with our colonifts; America being then a great market for the fale of Irish produce: but, as the Parliament of that country did not declare the war, but only followed the measures of Great Britain, it is not answerable for the temporary evils which it produced in Ireland. To the adminiftration of Lord North, Mr. P. gives (p. 458) "the fingular and important credit, of having firft opened the door of liberality (this is his beft metaphor, and he repeats it on all occafions) to the Irish Roman Catholics".

"It may have been uniformly remarked", he obferves, "that the Irish have been ever profufely grateful for every thing, which had come to them in the form of conceffion and kindnefs". Now, if by the Irifh he means the Roman Catholics of that country, we flatly contradict this affertion; and the events every year fince the conceffions, and particularly 1798, amply juftify our denial.

Mr. Plowden informs us,

"that on the eleventh day after the British Houfe of Commons had given the liberal example of univerfal affent to Sir George Saville's motion in favour of the Roman Catholics of England; Mr. Gardener, on the 25th of May, 1778, made a motion in the Irish Houfe of Commons, and the question being put, that leave be given to bring in heads of a Bill for the Reliet of his Majefty's Roman Catholic Subjects of Ireland, Mr. Gardiner, the Honourable Barry Barry, and Mr. Yelverton, were ordered to prepare and bring in the fame." Hift. Review, p. 463.

This Bill, to enable them to take leafes for 999 years, and to abolish all the penal ftatutes against discoveries, was accordingly

cordingly brought in by Mr. Gardener, afterwards created Lord Mountjoy, and fince flain at the battle of New-Rofs, in 1798, by the united Catholic army; and it was feconded by Mr. O'Neal, afterwards created Lord O'Neal, and fince murdered, in 1798, at Antrim, by a party of Catholic emancipators. This Bill was paffed after great oppofition, not from the government, but from the independent country-party in parliament; and, to avail ourselves of Mr. Plowden's expreffions,

it gave them (the Catholics) a focting to fland upon, in every future application to the crown or parliament, for a full participation of every bleffing of our free conftitution; it was the more welcome to the Catholics from their conviction, that a breach once made in that penal fortress, it was impoffible that it fhould hold out much Jonger." P. 464.

If we mistake not, however, they then, by a public declaration, profeffed that they were fully fatisfied by this (to them at that time great) conceffion.

We next find the British Parliament "taking an active part and interest in the concerns of Ireland", which Mr. P. admits, "did credit to her liberal fympathy for her fifter kingdom", P. 477. This is the firft teftimony of approbation which we have met with in this work; and we are happy to have it to quote, as it has heen moft difagreeable to us to be obliged to notice the want of candour and of fair reprefentation, which we have hitherto all along obferved.

"A free trade" (p. 506) became, in 1779, the next popular meafure in Ireland; the great manufacturing towns of our country took the alarm, without any foundation, and the minister of England was obliged, for a fhort time, to poftpone the measure. The Irish patriots, enraged that the hafte of Lord North did not keep pace with their own precipitation, exerted all their eloquence against "English intereft and minifterial duplicity." The more temperate and wife part of the Irish Houfe of Commons counteracted, in fome measure, thefe impreffions by their good sense and perfuafive reasoning*.

Ireland next arrayed her volunteers; and by the formidable afpect which the prefented to the enemy, deterred France from attempting an invafion. So far we muft applaud; but when foon after we find the Irish patriots in the moment of arduous foreign war and colonial rebellion ungenerously, Mr. Plowden fays, " fpiritedly refolving upon a fix-months money bill, with a view of obtaining an enlargement of their com

None more effectually than the Right Hon. Hely Hutchinfon.

merce,

merce", (p. 506) our admiration of their conduct is fomewhat. leffened.

In 1780, Ireland obtained her free trade; we are satisfied to let that part of Mr. Plowden's work, from p. 477 to p. 559, pafs without further comment. He has given the debates in parliament upon the free trade of Ireland on both fides, though with evident partiality to the popular party; our readers, therefore, who wish for information upon this fubject, may turn to his work, and form their own conclufions of the manner in which that measure was carried, and make their own reflections upon the conduct of all the parties.

None rejoiced more than we did at the extenfion of Irish commerce; and, we truft, that every measure will be in future pursued to increase the trade*, industry, and civilization of Ireland, and to give content (if poffible) to all our fellow-subjects in that kingdom. Great Britain muft, however, keep power in her own hands, until Ireland, by the cordial attachment of all her inhabitants to the throne and government, fhall cease to give her any more fears upon that head, than our countrymen of Yorkshire or Cornwall. Should that happy period never arrive, we have yet the confolation to reflect, that the moft refpe&table, intelligent, and powerful part of the Irish nation are, at this moment, in fentiment and affection, "the brethren of Britons." May it be our care to cherish those brethren, and bring over to them every convert in our power! Let fhallow declaimers and defigning politicians now make what reprefentations they pleafe, that party has been hitherto the great bond of connexion between the two kingdoms, and is at this day the only substantial link of the Union.

"On the 31st of January, 1782, we find Mr. Gardiner again moving for leave to bring in heads of a Bill for the relief of his Majefty's Roman Catholic fubjects of Ireland" (p. 559) on the 5th of February (p. 561) the Bill was introduced by Mr. Dillon (Mr. Gardiner being indifpofed). Two of the Acts prepared by Mr. Gardiner were paffedt, the first enabled Roman Catholics to take, hold, and dispose of lands and hereditaments in the fame manner as Proteftants; and removed feveral penalties from Catholic clergymen, on taking the oath of

Appendix, No.

+ Mr. Gardiner's original Bill was divided into three Bills: the two first were paffed; the third, "a Bill to enable Proteftants and Catholics to intermarry," was negatived by a majority of eight; fee Hift. Review, p. 581. It was afterwards, in 1792, paffed into a law, and Proteftants and Catholics now may and frequently do intermarry.

allegiance,

allegiance, prefcribed by the Irish Acts of 13 and 14 Geo. III. "and repealed the moft noxious parts of the Acts of Ann, Geo. I. and Geo. II." The fecond Bill was for the education of the Catholics, it was entitled "an Act to allow perfons profeffing the Popish religion to teach schools in this kingdom, and for the regulating the education of Papifts, and alfo to repeal parts of certain laws relative to the guardianship of their children". P. 580.

Upon this fubject, we find the following very invidious obfervation made in this work; "fortunately for the Catholics, Mr. Gardiner's Bill was not made a government queftion, or otherwise it would have fallen before the fame majority, that had uniformly oppofed every conflitutional queftion that had been brought before them". P. 573.

This infinuation we do not hefitate to pronounce as illiberal, as it is without foundation; the fpirit of conceffion to the Irish Catholics, and of demand upon Great Britain, having at that time pervaded every clafs of men, from the fervant of government to the independent volunteer of Ireland.

his

In the courfe of the debates at this period i. 1 Lin House of Commons upon Mr. Garainer's Bill, we ind Mr. Grattan expreffing bus opinion, "that fo long as the penal code remains, we never can be a great nation; the penal code is the fhell, in which the Proteftant power has been bouched, and now it is become a bird, it must burit he thell, or perish in it"; (p. 572) and his reafon for then making further cone fons to the Irish Catholics was "as the most likely means of obtaining a victory over the prejudices of Catholics, and our own"; he gave his confent to Mr. Gardiner's Bill," becaufe he would not keep * two millions of his fellow fubjects in a State of flavery".

Mr. Henry Flood feems to have been one of that small number of politicians, in whofe mind the experience of the paft excited fome diftruft of the future.

"He had always wifhed to embofom the Catholics in the body of the ftate; yet without courting praile on the one hand, or fearing cen fure on the other, he would deliver his free opinion on this great fubject. Above five years ago (faid he) a law was paffed, granting the

Hift. Review, p. 572. Ey fome unaccountable means the Catholic population of Ireland has fince that time been doubled; the number of people in Ireland being now, in 1803, as ace are told, five millions; namely, four of Catholics, and one of Proteftants. Thomas Townfhend, Efq. in a letter publifhed in London, in June, 1901, makes the population of Ireland fix millions. Could no mode be adopted for afcertaining the true force of this Catholic argument?

Roman