« AnteriorContinuar »
The consequence of this mistake is, Papers of all descriptions were so per. that from federal papers we get, for the petually crammed with news, and there most part, no able, well arranged display was, morever such an eagerness for news, of arguments. The most important oc- domestic and foreign, and these in such currences are summed up in a joke; and enormous abundance, that the printer had the most alarming events are cracked of in his paper scarcely room for politics; and like a squib. He that can say the smartest his readers were sure to neglect essays, thing about a calamitous defeat; or the for the more fascinating displays of “ the wittiest about the most ruinous and dis- pride, pomp and circumstance of glorious graceful disaster, is sure to be copied into war.” If this was true with regard to daievery print ! provided always, his piece bely papers, it was more true with regard to short.
those that were issued but once a week. No man engaged in the conducting of a Again, political essays, as well as polipaper will ever find himself without good tical documents, mixed up together, in a friends and advisers. I have my share of folio sheet; with advertisements, news, them, and I am glad of it; for I can avail &c. &c. were preserved only a few days; myself of their good advice, and I am not and what was printed, if not read during bound to follow the bad. Many and many those few days, was sure of never being of these have told me, “you should write read after. The strongest political truths shorter ; people will not read such long could be read only cursorily and hastily, pieces.” It was a considerable effort of and were then doomed to be forgotten as vanity, I consess; but the truth is, and it certainly as the papers in which they ap. may as well be told as not, that upon these peared would be destroyed. occasions, I have asked my advising friend, Having reflected much on these mat“ do you read all my long pieces ?” “ Yes.” | ters, and consulting with some discreet “ What all of them ?” “O yes—but then friends, I was induced to commence the other people will not; they never do.” “Well, publication of the EXAMINER. And, howbut as to yourself, my good sir, do you ever my subscribers may sometimes have read all the long pieces you meet with in been disappointed by occasional irregulathe papers ?"
“ And yet you rity in its publication, I do assure them read mine P « Yes."
“ And why do you most solemnly, I have devoted to it all read mine ?” “ Because I think they are the time and labour, which my health and good.” “Well, sir, if they are good, and the performance of duties previously inpoliteness requires me to confide in your curred, could allow. I have laboured ten veracity, why should not other people times more than ever I did before in all have good sense enough to make the same my life. And let any one who doubts discovery, and good nature enough, to be the fact, just employ himself in copying pleased with it, as well as yourself?” Be- the original matter in some tolerably latween my delicacy and my frankness, I boured number, and then, I venture to say, find myself here in some little difficulty ; that without putting into the account tho and I wish the charitable reader to un- head work, he shall agree that the mere derstand, that I mean, simply this: That mechanical labour is a decent week's where one is pleased with a piece, its employment. length is no objection to it. If it were Circumstances, which I could not con: otherwise, why do women and children, trol, engagentents, which I could not negrave gentlemen too, sometimes, sit up glect, will plead my excuse with all, even all night reading novels ? Few people are now, I hope. But I have still to add, that displeased with having too much of a good although my subscription list is prahalily hing
more than equal to'nty merits, it is little, circulation :" but they never procurednie of any thing more than equal to the ex- a single subscriber. Either the paper had penses of my establishment. I have had not, in its progress, kept the promise it liad commendation enough, oral and written. made in its commencement; or else the I have been much encouraged and sup- gentlemen'in question, were deterred by ported by it. It is well I was; for praise the labour which the performance of their is the author's, as the hero's food. promise would subject them to; and ha
A distinguished gentleman in Boston, ving, probably, as little respect for me, as has once or twice supplied me liberally they had for themselves, gave the matter with this species of aliment. The Boston up altogether. papers have copied from the Examiner Upon the whole, the present condition freely, considering how long the pieces of the Examiner is not very hopeful. It were. Indeed, I was once induced to be- is rather a popular paper, I think ; and lieve myself a favourite in that strong those who subscribe for it, exhibit a very fortress of federalism. Nevertheless I becoming and flattering irritation, when, have but one single subscriber in Boston ! by some accident, they do not get it reguIt is a strange world. They used to print larly. I am obliged to them for it. But my speeches there by the thousand, for it seems to be very doubtful whether I circulation. But I was a member of con- shall be able to print it after the present gress then. They can now afford but a year. I wish to do it. It is an occupation single subscriber to the humble editor of in which I delight. But then the number the Examiner.
of readers will always be in proportion to of Philadelphia I have certainly no the number of subscribers. If good is to right to complain. There, they neither be done by it, it must be because it is read; praise nor support any thing, unless “ PHI- but it will not be read unless it is subscriLADELPHIA” be stamped on the title page. bed for. A political paper without supThey have behaved better to me there, port enough to pay its way, never did nor however, than in Boston. I have three can do much good. And in truth, if it be subscribers there!
not subscribed for, it is pretty evident that In Baltimore-I have, I believe, fifty : it is not so good as the author may, in his In Baltimore !
vanity, have supposed it. When eight Indeed if I had received in other parts hundred and sixteen pages, containing such support as I have been honoured perhaps twice as much matter as any ocwith in Marylarre and North-Carolina, I tavo volume you may take up--wherr in should go on with niy labours as gaily as fact then, sixteen hundred pages unia lark. But it is not so.
versally and immediately interesting, The citizens of the city of New-York cannot be sold for five dollars, in sufficient have done all I could ask of them. They numbers to pay for the printing of them, constitute more than two thirds of my whole the author of them may, I think, be well support. But in the state, at large, scarce assured, that he has been so unfortunate Hy a living creature has done a single as to have taken more counsel from his thing in advancement of the circulation. vanity than his discretion. And if hefrankSome few have promised abundance of ly confesses his error, he may be allowed exertion; in Albany, especially, two gen-to boast, that next to that of being free tlemen of high political standing and in- from fault, stands the virtue of acknowfluence. The paper was “excellent, ledging it when committed. calculated to be very useful--they would An author's fate is in the hands of the exert their utmost means to extend its public; and he bas no right to be discouterrted if he does not please them. If he could be of very little avail; and that ouralcan please neither the public nor his par-ject might be attained without incurring the ty, he has still less right to be angry. And expenses and being subjected to the cala for myself, I say honestly, as this under- mities of war. On the contrary, it was taking was one of my own choosing, on plain enough, that if he should fall, by my own head be the consequences of my which means England would beconie miscalculations. And if I must retire from more powerful, and perhaps less yielding it, I shall do so with as much cheerfulness than ever, we should only have made our as I entered upon it.
condition worse than it was before. If B. GARDENIER. even the administration had enjoyed the
confidence of the whole nation; if they
could by loans, as well as taxes, have THE LATE NEWS.-It was not among brought into practical operation all the the weakest objections to the expediency resources of the country; if they had even of declaring the present war, that we been able to use the means thus in their should, by so doing, make a virtual league hands, with skill and efficacy ; still, it with Bonaparte; an actual, if not a seemed palpable that the contest must alformal alliance; and that after all the er- ter all, be decided in Europe. And, thereforts we should be ourselves able to make, fore, it appeared, to reflecting and reasonathe attainment of the objects we had in ble men, clearly expedient, to wait for the view, would depend, not upon our own, close of the great tragedly there, striving but upon Napoleon's triumphs. If it was in the mean while, to enrich and strengthnecessary to the estahlishment of Ameri- en ourselves as much as possible, so that can rights, that England should be defeat if the conquering party should prove uned and prostrated, it was not in America, reasonable and arrogant in his pretensions that it could be done. The democratic towards us, we might be in a situation to printers and politicians have, since the resist. This seemed the discreet course.; war, uniformly justified their anxiety for more particularly to those who believed the success of the tyrant, the great enemy that we could expect very little from the and destroyer of republics and republican justice or kindness of either France or Esliberty, upon the ground that his success gland, when unable to oppose them. was necessary to our safety. Such an ar- The difficulties, moreover, between us gument seems not unreasonable; and has and England, had grown out of the war been in most instances urged, I believe, between her and France; and the disadwith perfect sincerity. But it seems to have vantages under which we laboured, espe escaped these politicians, that exactly as cially the orders in council would cease we connected our destinies with those of to exist, whenever that war terminated. Bonaparte, we had no control over them; In one word, it was plain that if Bonaparte and that, therefore, the most unwise thing should triumph, we could expect nothing that could be done, was to place ourselves from his justice, his kindness or his gratiin a situation, in which, if he prevailed, tude. But if, on the other hand, Great we should be placed at his mercy; and in Britain should be victorious, and if her which, if he should fall, we should be policy in times more critical and even placed at the mercy of his enemies, whom alarming to her safety, had indecd, as has by the declaration of war we had so rash- been so repeatedly asserted, been one ly made ours too. Prudence would have of injustice, malignity and cruelty, it seemsuggested, that if our prosperity depended ed to follow necessarily, that under the ipon Napoleons suceces, pur interference joint inßuence of her irritation and succesa,
our sufferings would become as intense as will have enough to do, to weep over the the could make them. I am aware that lat- misfortunes with which their folly is hereterly the birelings and dupes of adminis-after to overwhelm our devoted country. tration have given out, that Russia, and The events which have recently ocprobably the other powers allied with her, curred in France, have had an efect upon will insist upon England's abandoning my mind, in some respects different, as those high maritime pretensions, which far as I can ascertain, from some of those Interfere with the rights of all nations. I with whom I have united my humble laam neither prophet nor statesman enough bours for the good of our common connto receive or resist this prediction. But try. What I am about to therefore I may be permitted to remark, that if is advanced with real diffidenee and hesithere be any good sense in this idea, then tancy. Still thinking my reflections corour war must appear to have been still rect and just, I must venture to proceed. more unnecessary. If in the success of It may safely be allowed, that one of the allies, and not in that of Bonaparte, the most delicate situations in which howe were to found a just expectation of a nest men can be placed, is the very one restoration of the “liberty of the seas,” in which the opposers of war and the adthen clearly we ought to have abstained vocates for peace in the United States from aiding Bonaparte, which we did by have been placed. The government had attacking one of the powers of that grand declared a war, which some believed unalliance, from whose triumphs we were to just; but which all united in considering espect such desirable results. It is plea- inexpedient. There was manifested in the sant as well as painful to retrace democra- administration during the progress of that tic reasonings. While victory seemed to war, an imbecility, a childish, an ideot perch on the tyrant's standard, it was from weakness, whieh was to double and treble him, that we were to expect the freedom and quadruple its burthens and its calaof the seas.
But no sooner is it ascer- mities. They were asked for their blood, tained that he is prostrated, and“ vone so and they refused to let it flow in such a poor to do him reverence,” than it is dis- cause; they were asked for their money, covered, that the thing we seek, “ the free- and they refused to bestow it upon incomdom of the seas," will certainly be esta- petency. They, in their turn, asked for blished by his conquerors. And so this con- peace, a speedy peace.
They said the sequence follows; that whether Bonaparte orders in council allowed by yourselves was beaten or not beaten; whether the to be the great cause of quarrel, are withallies were triumphant or not, the United drawn. Adjust the question of impressStates wree equally sure of the restoration ments in some way or other for the presof “the freedom of the seas.” If all this ent. Make peace while your offer is yet be so, then, why in God's name, were we of some value to England; make peace precipitated into this war!
while it is yet desirable to her; make it It is however in vain to weep over before she is either destroyed or triumerrors that are past, unless we resolve up- phant, for in either of these events it will on reformation. It is scarcely possible to be equally indifferent to her, whether she look into any part of the conduct of this make peace with us, or not; or if a difadministration, without finding the most ference exists in the event of her being glaring proofs of their utter incompetency triumphant, she may even prefer war to for government. And if, when this in- peace, upon any terms. It was even, and competency has become manifest, they I think wisely too, deemed correct, to shall still be trusted, good and wise men distress the administration, so as to compel then to ms ke peace, while peace could their utter deformity is palpable, their yet be made advantageously. All that union with tyranny and oppression and men could do, the friends of peace and wrong, deinonstrated and consessed. Let their country have done! In vain they them in all the anguish of detected and have laboured, but still to their utmost convicted guilt groan forth their regrets. they have laboured, to avert the terrors of I have no sympathies with such inhumathe awful condition in which imhecility nity and barbarity. Nor have the peo: and folly and phrenzy have placed us. ple of the United States feelings so detes
To my mind, we are now at the com- table. They are a part of the great famimencement of a ricw era. The fall of ly of nations, and cannot but feel a deep Bonaparte produces a new political world; and honest interest in the happiness of new feelings, new relations, new counsels. their brethren. They will disdain those The storm which has shaken and con miserable political calculations, which vulsed Europe to its foundations, is sub-would restrain and destroy the noblest virsiding; and the demon who directed its tues of our nature. For virtue can make fury and its ravages, is fallen powerless to no compromise with injustice and wrong'; the earth. Let Humanity raise her af- and whatever particular evils she may flicted head; let the christian world re- fear, will and must rejoice at the downfall joice! I war not against feelings sacred of despotic power and unpitying oppression. like these. I bow in adoring thankful- Virtue can never be terrified by the apness to the great God, who hath made prehension that the restoration of the bare his arm, and driven this horrible pes- rights and happiness of nations long entilence from among the nations.
slaved and oppressed, can be dangerous to And who shall dare to repine? Or if her, or to any nation which has yielded any one dare, what can he allege in his itself to her influence. All history shows justification ? What, but that our destinies that the Almighty suffers no such con, have been connected with the cause of in- nexion in human affairs. justice, despotism and oppression ? And But if new conflicts, if new calamities, is it indeed so! Did our safety indeed de-await us, we shall at least have the conpend upon the triumph, upon the unlimit-solation of knowing, that we shall coned extension of the power of the greatest tend with powers, who are not impelled tyrant that ambition ever raised to the by insatiable ambition; who do not deexecration of human kind! Alas ! if the light in unnecessary cruelty, and ravages, emancipation of Europe from the fangs of and desolation; who acknowledge the ansuch a despot, casts a gloom over the pros- cient laws of christendom; who have not pects of a free and virtuous people, then the hardihood to throw off every appear must the system which has produced such ance of moderation and equity. effects be as execrable as the execrable Nevertheless, condemning and detestcause of the tyrant itself. Then have we ing the folly, and wickedness, which have indeed been deluded into the support of a brought us into our present deplorable conusurper's wickedness, by the pretence that dition, let us calmly and intrepidly conwe were contending for our own rights. The template its real features; let us portray it Cause which becomes hopeless because to our fellow citizens, as it is; let us give tyranay has been crushed and destroyed, them what counsel we can, that may yet cannot but be itself the cause of tyranny ! restore our country, and having done so, Let the cabinet at Washington, and its we may at least enjoy the mournful conbase instruments throughout the union, solation of knowiog that if onr country hang their heads with shame, now that must fall,“ ne arc FYXOCEXT."