the Union, and guarantee for the future the constitutional rights of every State. The Union is the one condition of peace. We ask no more. "Let me add what I doubt not was, although unexpressed, the sentiment of the Convention, as it is of the people they represent that, when any one State is willing to return to the Union, it should be received at once, with a full guarantee of all its constitutional rights. If a frank, earnest, and persistent effort to obtain these objects should fail, the responsibility for ulterior consequences will fall upon those who remain in arms against the Union; but the Union must be preserved at all hazards. I could not look in the face my gallant comrades of the army and navy who have survived so many bloody battles, and tell them that their labors and the sacrifice of so many of our slain and wounded brethren had been in vain that we had abandoned that Union for which we have so often periled our lives. A vast majority of our people, whether in the army and navy, or at home, would, as I would, hail with unbounded joy the permanent restoration of peace on the basis of the Union under the Constitution, without the effusion of another drop of blood; but no peace can be permanent without Union." The great majority very properly recognized the Convention, not one of its candidates, as the authorized expounder of the party's principles and purposes, and the platform, not the letter of acceptance, as the authentic party creed. Gov. Seward, called out 23 by a procession of the Lincoln and Johnson Association of Washington, pungently said: "Fellow Citizens: The Democracy at Chicago, after waiting six weeks to see whether this war for the Union is to succeed or fail, finally concluded that it would fail; and therefore went in for a nomination and platform to make it the sure thing by a cessation of hostilities and an abandonment of the contest. At Baltimore, on the contrary, we determined that there should be no such thing as failure; and therefore we went in to save the Union by battle to the last. Sherman and Farragut have knocked the bottom out of the Chicago nominations; and the elections in Vermont and Maine prove the Baltimore nominations stanch and -McClellan and Disunion, or Lincoln and Union. Have you any doubt of the result on that issue? [Cries of No!' 'No!] Nor do I have any doubt. Many thanks, my friends, for this visit." Gen. Fremont now withdrew" his name from the Presidential canvass, saying: been entered upon in such a way that the "The Presidential contest has, in effect union of the Republican party had become a paramount necessity. The policy of the Democratic party signifies either separation or reestablishment with Slavery. The Chicago platform is simply separation: Gen. McClellan's letter of acceptance is re establishment with Slavery. The Republi can candidate is, on the contrary, pledged to the reestablishment of the Union without Slavery; and, however hesitating his policy may be, the pressure of his party will, we may hope, force him to it. Between these issues, I think that no man of the liberal party can remain in doubt; and I believe I am consistent with my antecedents and my principles in withdrawing-not to aid in the triumph of Mr. Lincoln, but to do my part toward preventing the election of the Democratic candidate. In respect to Mr. Lincoln, I continue to hold exactly the sentiments contained in my letter of acceptance. I consider that his administration has been politically, militarily, and financially, s failure, and that its necessary continuance is a cause of regret for the country." A few of the ultra "Peace" men talked of repudiating McClellan because of his letter of acceptance; and some, probably, refused on account of it to vote for him; but they finally ran no ticket: so that their disaffection had scarcely a perceptible effect on the canvass. Not so the successive victories of Sheridan in the Valley; which did not serve to elect Lincoln and Johnson-that had been already secured-but doubtless contributed to swell their popular and electoral majority. The Autumn Elections opened, as usual, with Vermont;" which gave a slight Republican gain on the vote 24 Sept. 17. 26 Sept. 6. sound. The issue is thus squarely made up 29 Sept. 14. THE OCTOBER ELECTIONS-DEATH OF JUDGE TANEY. 671 But no election of that month was of more lasting consequence than that held in Maryland;" which State was now to adopt or reject the new Constitution which banished Slavery from her soil and withdrew the Right of Suffrage from those of her citizens who had abetted the Rebellion. The Constitution was carried--and barely carried-by the vote of her soldiers in the field: the total vote, as declared, being 30,174 for, to 29,699 against ratifying; whereof the soldiers gave 2,633 for, to 163 against it. Had not the Convention enabled them to vote in their respective camps, the Constitution would have been rejected by all but 2,000 major of 1863 for Governor," and on the ties-that is, in all but Baltimore, Cecil, and the western countiesshowing heavy adverse majorities. The death of Roger B. Taney, Chief Justice of the United States, on the day which witnessed this result, was a remarkable cöincidence. Judge Taney had long been a main bulwark of Slavery, not only in Maryland, but throughout the Union. The Dred Scott decision is inseparably linked with his name. His natural ability, eminent legal attainments, purity of private character, fullness of years," and the long period he had officiated as Chief Justice," caused him to be regarded by many as a pillar of the State; and his death at this moment seemed to mark the transition from the era of 30 Oct. 11. Slavery to that of Universal Freedom. Though he held his office and discharged its functions to the last, it was notorious that he did not and (with his views) could not sympathize with the Republic in her struggle against red-handed Treason. Originally an ultra-Federalist, Slavery had transformed him into a practical disciple of Calhoun. Indiana.... Illinois.. Missouri Wisconsin. California. ... Total..... ......... 2,213,665 1,802,237 Lincoln's popular majority, 411,428. The choice of Presidential Electors was made simultaneously" in every State; and the result was such as all intelligent observers had for weeks anticipated. Gen. McClellan secured the Electoral votes of New Jersey, Delaware, and Kentucky-by their next friends. Of course, no rized their soldiers in the field to vote; those of New York sending home their ballots (sealed) to be cast one can say how her soldiers voted. Of the States whose soldiers voted so Vermont... Iowa.. LINCOLN. MCCLELLAN. 741 2,066 690 243 49 .26,712 12,849 The ag Ohio.. Maryland.. Michigan.. as follows: Wisconsin.. LINCOLN. MCCLELLAN. 11,372 2,458 New Hampshire.. a right to do; but one of them failed to appear, 30 Nevada chose three electors, as she had and his colleagues did not fill his place. LINCOLN'S LAST MESSAGE-SLAVERY ABOLISHED. 673 XXXVIIIth Congress. XXXIXth Congress States. Rep.-Union. Dem. Rep.-Union, Dem. California.... 3 3 3 3 5 2 heated controversy as to the proper means and best mode of advancing the Union cause; but, on the distinct issue of Union or no Union, the politicians have shown their instinctive knowledge that there is no diversity among the people. In affording the people the fair opportunity of showing, to one another and to the world, this firmness and unanimity of purpose, the election has been of vast value to the National cause." He discouraged further attempts at negotiation with "the insurgent leader," as precluded by the fixed 1 resolve on our side not to concede Disunion and on his to accept nothing less and added: 72.99 Connecticut... 3 1 3 11 Ohio. 5 14 17 -Id Oregon. Pennsylvania...12 Wisconsin.... 77 143 2 "In presenting the abandonment of armed resistance to the National authority, on the 9 part of the insurgents, as the only indispensable condition to ending the war on the part of the Government, I retract nothing heretofore said as to Slavery. I repeat the 1 declaration made a year ago, that, while I remain in my present position, I shall not attempt to retract or modify the Emancipation Proclamation, nor shall I return to Slavery any person who is free by the terms of that Proclamation, or by any of the acts of Congress.' If the people should, by whatever mode or means, make it an Executive duty to reenslave such persons, another, and not I, must be their instrument to perform it. "In stating a single condition of peace, I Total.....106 41 NOTE.-Some members ultimately became alienated from the party by, which they were respectively elected; some were unseated as improperly returned; and sev eral were elected from States formerly in revolt who were not admitted to seats; the above table conforms to the original returns. The XXXVIIIth Congress reas-mean simply to say that the war will cease on the part of the Government whenever it sembled" soon after the Presidential shall have ceased on the part of those who Election; and Mr. Lincoln addressed began it." to it his last Annual Message. With reference to the recent election, he said: "Judging by the recent canvass and its result, the purpose of the people, within the loyal States, to maintain the integrity of the Union, was never more firm, nor more nearly unanimous, than now. The extraordinary calmness and good order with which the millions of voters met and mingled at the polls give strong assurance of this. Not only all those who supported the Union ticket, so called, but a great majority of the opposing party also, may be fairly claimed to entertain, and to be actuated by, the same purpose. It is an unanswerable argument to this effect, that no candidate for any office whatever, high or low, has ventured to seek votes on the avowal that he was for giving up the Union. There have been much impugning of motives, and much 37 Dec. 6, 1864. VOL. II.-43. 38 Jan. 11, 1864. PENNSYLVANIA-Cowan. MISSOURI-Brown, Henderson. CALIFORNIA-McDougall.-Total, 6. Not Voting.-Buckalew, Pa.; Wright, N. J.; Hicks, Md.; Bowden and Carlile, Va.; Richardson, Ill.-all Democrats. But it failed" in the House: Yeas 95; Nays 66-substantially, though not absolutely, a party division. Mr. Ashley, of Ohio-changing his vote to enable him to do so-now moved a reconsideration; and the subject went over to await the issues of the War and of the pending election of President. Mr. Lincoln, in his Message already quoted, now urged the House to concur with the Senate in adopting the Amendment-saying: "Without questioning the wisdom or patriotism of those who stood in opposition, I venture to recommend the reconsideration and passage of the measure at the present session. Of course, the abstract question is not changed; but an intervening election shows, almost certainly, that the next Congress will pass the measure if this does not. Hence, there is only a question of time as to when the proposed Amendment will go to the States for their action. And, as it is to so go at all events, may we not agree that the sooner the better? It is not claimed that the election has imposed a duty on members to change their views or their votes, any further than, as an additional element to be considered, their judgment may be affected by it. It is the voice of the people now, for the first time, heard upon the question. In a great National crisis, like ours, unanimity of action among those seeking a common end is very desirable-almost indispensable. And yet, no approach to such unanimity is attainable, unless some deference shall be paid to the will of the majority, simply because it is the will of the majority. In this case, the common end is the maintenance of the Union; and, among the means to secure that end, such will, through the election, is most clearly declared in favor of such Constitutional Amendment." 42 Mr. Ashley accordingly called up" in the House his motion to reconsider the vote above given; and the question was at length brought to issue -a motion to lay it on the table having been defeated by 111 to 57when the reconsideration was ordered: Yeas 112; Nays 57. The vote was then taken on concurring with the Senate in passing the Amendment, in the shape reported by Mr. Trumbull from the Judiciary Committee of the Senate-as follows: "Be it resolved, &c., That the following the several States as an amendment to the article be proposed to the Legislatures of Constitution of the United States, which, when ratified by three-fourths of said Legis latures, shall be valid, to all intents and purposes, as a part of the said Constitution, namely: "ARTICLE XIII. "SECTION 1. Neither Slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction." "SEO. 2. Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation." The House now concurred with the Senate, by the following vote: YEAS-[Democrats in Italics.] MAINE-Blaine, Perham, Pike, Rice. NEW HAMPSHIRE-Patterson, Rollins. MASSACHUSETTS-Alley, Ames, Baldwin, Boutwell, Dawes, Eliot, Gooch, Hooper, Rice, W. D. Washburn. RHODE ISLAND-Dixon, Jenckes. CONNECTIOUT-Brandagee, Deming, English, J. H. Hubbard. "1Jan. 6, 1865. 42 Jan. 31. |