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One of the noblest charities of the

city. It had a spacious and elegant edifice, worth, with its furniture, some $200,000, at the corner of Fifth Avenue and 46th-street, not far from the enrolling office, where the riots began. It was a school as well as an asylum, affording shelter, sustenance, and Christian nurture, to some 200 colored orphans, under the patronage and management of a society of philanthropic ladies. At 5 P.M., a vast mob surrounded it, disabled or drove

off the few policemen who attempted to bar an entrance, and, having af. forded time for the hasty exit of the inmates, fired and destroyed the edifice and all its remaining contents; t having meantime stolen a liberal share of the carpets, iron bedsteads, and other portable furniture, which women stood ready, at a little distance, to carry off, so soon as they were handed to them by their husbands or sons. Some of the garments, which the fleeing inmates had left behind in their haste, were thus appropriated. The cool, businesslike manner wherein this wholesale robbery and arson were perpetrated astonished even the most callous reporters. A liberal but not very responsible offer of “$500 for the sight of a Black Republican,” chalked in gigantic letters on the fence of the adjacent cattle-market, failed to elicit any proffers. The enrolling office of the VIIIth District stood at the corner of Broadway and 20th-st., in a block of stores filled with costly goods, including a goldsmith's shop, heavily stocked I with watches and jewelry. These were speedily stripped of their con

of the Union arms, that Slavery and the Rebellion must suffer, which is at the bottom of all this arson, devastation, robbery, and murder.

at will.


tents and then fired; the firemen here, as at the Orphan Asylum and elsewhere, being forbidden to play on the obnoxious building—an order which the mass of them seemed quite too willing to obey. In twenty minutes after the matches were ignited, the walls fell with a loud crash. The firemen were allowed to play upon and save, so far as they might, all structures not obnoxious to the rioters. The riots, thus begun on Monday, July 13th, were kept up throughout the three following days, and extended to Brooklyn, where an expensive new Grain Elevator, worth $100,000, which was obnoxious as reducing the demand for labor, was among the buildings burned. But, by this time, some soldiers had been called in from the military posts in the harbor, and some militia mustered in the city;

so that, though there was more fight

ing than on the first day, there was less devastation; and the loss of life was decidedly greatest on the side of the rioters, who were gradually

crowded back into those quarters where they were naturally strongest,

and no longer plundered and burned But the running of the city

railroads was generally stopped by | * . the mob on these days, in order to

impede the movements of the defenders of order, as well as to swell the ranks of the rioters; laborers could not be obtained to load vessels in port, and the industry of the city was very generally paralyzed. But a riot stoutly confronted and checked has reached its culminating point; and this one—which would almost certainly have broken out on And this fact should arouse every devotee of

Liberty and Law to oppose to the rioters the sternest resistance.”

the 4th, but for the news of Lee's defeat at Gettysburg—was now prosecuted under the heavy discouragement of the full tidings of Grant's triumph at Wicksburg; while the first news of Banks's capture of Port Hudson, of IIolmes’s bloody repulse at Iselena, and of Gillmore's initial success on Morris island, now pouring in from day to day, proved a quick succession of wet blankets for the spirits of the rioters.

Gov. Seymour had been in the city on the Saturday previous; but left that afternoon for New Jersey, and did not return till Tuesday forenoon; when he was at once escorted to the City IIall, and thence addressed the crowd who flocked thither—many if not most of them from the mob just before menacing The Tribune office —as follows:

“My Friends: I have come down here from the quiet of the country to see what was the difficulty—to learn what all this trouble was concerning the Draft. Let me assure you that I am your friend. [Uproarious cheering.] You have been my friends —[cries of ‘Yes,’ ‘Yes,’ ‘That's so:’ ‘We

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you, my fellow citizens, that I am here to show you a test of my friendship. [Cheers.] I wish to inform you that I have sent my Adjutant-General to Washington to confer with the authorities there, and to have this Draft suspended and stopped. [Vociferous cheers.] I now ask you, as good citizens, to wait for his return ; and I assure you that I will do all that I can to see that there is no inequality, and no wrong done any one. I wish you to take good care of all property as good citizens, and see that every person is safe. The safe-keeping of property and persons rests with you ; and I charge you to disturb neither. It is your duty to maintain the good order of the city; and I know you will do it. I wish you now to separate as good citizens, and you can assemble again whenever you wish to do so. I ask you to leave all to me now, and I will see to your rights. Wait until my Adjutant returns from Washington, and you shall be satisfied. Listen to me, and see that no harm is done to either persons or property, but retire peaceably.”

The most objectionable feature of this brief address was not its initial salutation, but its underlying assumption that order and obedience to law were suspended on the stoppage of the Draft. True, he did not in terms say, “It would be right to riot, and

burn buildings, and hunt negroes, .

and slaughter officers, if the Draft were to go on; but I will have it stopped and given up : so go home and keep the peace;” but, to the minds of the rioters, his speech amounted exactly to that. Hence, there was great danger that tranquillity thus attained would be broken whenever the attempt to enforce the Draft should be renewed. And it was already well understood—indeed, it had been proposed to prominent Republicans the day before— that, if they would promise that the Draft should be arrested, the riots should thereupon be stopped. The riots continued during the fourth day (Thursday); but were then mainly restricted to isolated robberies and assaults on unprotected negroes, many of whom were most inhumanly abused, and two or three murdered. The only continuously embodied force of rioters held the eastern upper part of the city, where many large tenement houses are densely crowded with the poorest of our foreign-born population, and where Col. O’Brien, who had been in command of a volunteer military force, had been followed to his home on Tuesday, and there beaten to death by the rioters, under circumstances of shocking barbarity. Here, especially in and near 21st-st., eastward of Third Avenue, a determined stand was made, during the evening of Thursday, by the rioters, against



a small body of soldiers under Capt. Putnam, 12th regulars, whom Gen. Harvey Brown, commanding in the city under Gen. Wool, had sent to quell the riot, and who did it, by ordering his men to fire at those who were hurling missiles at them from the house-tops, while a body of artillerymen entered the houses and made prisoners of their male inmates. Capt. Putnam returned 13 killed, 18 wounded, and 24 prisoners; while of his men but two or three suffered injury. The whole amount of property destroyed by the rioters, for which the City was held responsible to the owners, was valued at about $2,000,000. During this night and the following day, several regiments of our disciplined Militia arrived, on their return from Pennsylvania, soon followed by other regiments of veterans from the Army of the Potomac ; and it would not thereafter have been safe to attempt rioting. The City authorities now appropriated large (borrowed) sums to pay bounties for volunteers; so that the City’s quotas were sub-. stantially filled without recourse to drafting: the Government much preferring volunteers, of course, but utterly unwilling, because unable, to forego a resort to drafting when men were not otherwise forthcoming. In other words, it could not admit that its right to endure depended on the volunteering in sufficient numbers of citizens to defend its existence. There were simultaneous and subsidiary riots in Doston, in Jersey City, and at Troy and Jamaica, N.Y.; with preliminary perturbations in many other places; but all these were plainly sympathetic with and subordinate to the New York effort, and

quickly subsided when that was overborne. So there was, at different periods of the War, forcible resistance offered to conscription in two or three counties of Wisconsin, perhaps a few more of Pennsylvania, and possibly two or three other localities. But in no single instance was there a riot incited by drafting, wherein Americans by birth bore any considerable part, nor in which the great body of the actors were not born Europeans, and generally of recent importation. Considering how widespread, earnest, intense, was the feeling of repugnance to the War, especially after it had assumed an antiSlavery aspect, this fact tends strongly to establish the natural strength in a republic of the sentiment of deference to law and to rightful authority, even when that authority is held to be abused or perverted.

Gov. Seymour next appealed” to the President, urging a suspension of the Draft, because of the alleged excessive quota required of the urban districts of his State—saying “It is just to add that the Administration owes this to itself; as these inequalities fall most heavily on those districts which have been opposed to its political views.” He further insisted that the enforcement of the Draft be postponed till after its constitutionality shall have been adjudged by the courts— saying: “It is believed by at least one-half of the people of the loyal States that the Conscription Act, which they are called upon to obey because it is on the statute-book, is in itself a violation of the supreme constitutional law. There is a fear and suspicion that, while they are threatened with the severest penalties of the law, they are to be deprived of its protection. * * * I do not dwell upon what I believe would be the consequence of a violent, harsh policy before the constitutional

* Aug. 3.

ity of the Act is tested. You can scan the immediate future as well as I. The temper of the people to-day you can readily learn.” At this time, Democratic organizations and meetings were denouncing the Draft as unconstitutional, and calling on the Governor to invoke the military power of the State to maintain its sovereignty and rightful jurisdiction, and protect its citizens from a ruthless conscription. President Lincoln, in response” to the Governor's appeal, after proposing to suspend the Draft in the City districts, in so far as it was claimed to be excessive, until after a fair and rigid scrutiny, said: “I do not object to abide the decision of the United States Supreme Court, or of the Judges thereof, on the constitutionality of the Draft law. In fact, I should be willing to facilitate the obtaining of it. Ibut I cannot consent to lose the time while it is being obtained. We are contending with an enemy who, as I understand, drives every ablebodied man he can reach into his ranks, very much as a butcher drives bullocks into a slaughter-pen. No time is wasted, no argument is used. This produces an army which will soon turn upon our now victorious soldiers already in the field, if they shall not be sustained by recruits as they should be. It produces an army with a rapidity not to be natched on our side, if we first waste time to réexperiment with the volunteer system, already deemed by Congress, and palpably, in fact, so far exhausted as to be inadequate; and then more time to obtain a Court decision as to whether a law is constitutional which requires a part of those not now in the service to go to the aid of those who are already in it; and still more time to determine with absolute certainty that we get those who are to go in the precisely legal proportion to those who are not to go. My purpose is to be in my action just and constitutional, and yet practical, in performing the important duty with which

* Aug. 7. "Sept. 1. *1862. Republican. Democratic. Gov. IIolbrook, 30,032. Smalley, 3,724. 1863 Republican. I)emocratic." J. G. Smith, 29,613. Redfield, 11,962. *Sept. 3. ** 1863. Union. Democratic.

Gov. F. F. Low, 64,447. Downey, 44,715.

I am charged, of maintaining the unity and

the-free principles of our common coun. . )

&: The Autumnal Elections inevitably hinged on and embodied the popular judgment on the issues thus made up; and the brighter prospects of the National cause were reflected in the general success of the Republican candidates. Vermont—the first to vote thereafter"—did, indeed, show a reduction of her always heavy Tepublican majority—the Democratic party having made no effort” in 1862, and now doing its best; whereas, her election in the former year had been unaf. sected by the wave of depression and discouragement that swept soon af. terward over the loyal States. California voted next:" going ‘Union’ throughout by a very large majority" —nearly equal to that of 1861; but Maine—voting somewhat later “– felt the full impulse of the swelling tide, and showed it in her vote.” But the October Elections were far more significant and decisive. In Pennsylvania, Gov. Andrew G. Curtin—who had aided the war to the extent of his ability—was presented by the Tepublicans for réelection; while the Democrats opposed to him Judge Geo. W. Woodward," who, it was certified, had declared in 1861— “If the Union is to be divided, I want the line of separation run north of Pennsylvania”—and who, not far from the day of election, united with

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was hardly possible to make an issue more distinctly than was here made between the supporters and the contemners of the War for the Union; yet Gen. McClellan—still a MajorGeneral in full pay, though not in active service—wrote a letter for publication in the canvass, wherein he declared that— “IIaving, some days ago, had a full conversation with Judge Woodward, I find that our views agree; and I regard his election as Governor of Pennsylvania called for by the interests of the nation.” The canvass in this State was exceedingly animated and earnest; the vote polled at the election” exceeded, by many thousands, any ever cast before; and the result was decisive. Though the vote of the preceding year had shown no decided preponderance of either party," but gave the Legislature and a U. S. Senator to the Democrats, that of 1S63 reelected Gov. Curtin by more than 15,000” majority, and established the ascendency of the Republicans in every branch of the State Government. For—as if to render the popular verdict more emphatic—Chief Justice Lowrie, who pronounced the decision of the Supreme Court, adjudging the Enrollment Act un

constitutional, was a candidate for

rčelection, opposed by Daniel Agnew, Republican, by whom—though comparatively unknown to the people—he was conclusively beaten.” And the Court, as thus reconstituted

by the election of Judge Agnew, reviewed and reversed “ the decision pronounced by Chief Justice Lowrie. Said Judge Agnew, in his opinion: “The constitutional authority to use the national forces creates a corresponding duty to provide a number adequate to the necessity. The duty is vital and essential, falling back on the fundamental right of self| preservation, and the powers expressed to declare war, raise armies, maintain navies, and provide for the common defense. Power and duty now go hand in hand with the extremity, until every available man in the nation is called into service, if the emergenCy requires it; and of this there can be no

judge but Congress.”

Justices David Davis (Circuit) and S. II. Treat (District) in Illinois,” and Justice Nathan K. IIall (1)istrict) in Northern New York, also pronounced judgments in cases brought before them, affirming the constitutionality of the Enrollment Act and of drafting under it. No Federal Judge ever made a contrary decision. Ohio–by reason of the unrevoked and continuing banishment of Mr. Wallandigham—was the arena of a contest equally earnest and somewhat more heated. The public meetings, especially those of the Democrats, were enormously attended throughout the canvass, and were brimmed with enthusiasm. Yet, when the vote was polled,” the Democratic majority of 5,000" on Secretary of State, in 1862, was found to have given place to a ‘Union’ majority on Governor of over (), we II undred Thousand,” and, even without the Soldiers' vote, of more than Sixty Thousand.” And, though the majority on the residue of the ticket was

*1 Oct. 8.

** 1862. - ud. Gen., Rep. I}em. Cochrane, 215,616. Slenker, 219,140.

*1863. Curtin, 269,493; Woodward, 254,171.

* Agnew, 267,257; Lowrie, 254,855.

*Jan. 19, isol. “June ió, isos. ooct. s. “Kennon, Rep., 178,755; Armstrong, Dem., 184,332. * Brough, 288,661; Wallandigham, 187,562. * Brough, 217,101; Vallanligham, 185,274.

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