extended downward and joined again to shell by throat sheets forming water tube saddles.

The rear saddle is made one foot lower than the front saddle and both saddles are connected by one row of four inch water tubes inclining upwards towards the front.

The circulation of the water is downward in the rear end of the shell to the water tubes, then forward through the water tubes and up into the shell at front end.

This gives a very rapid circulation which greatly improves the economy.

Furnace tile are hung to the water tubes back to the bridge wall which greatly aids combustion.

From that point to the rear saddle, the water tubes are covered by thin tile and the tile is covered with asbestos which baffles the gas under the water tubes and keeps the heat entirely away from the shell.

This permits of building very large sizes for high pressure, as they can use shell plates as thick as desired.

The brick side walls are carried up only to the top of water tubes, leaving the shell exposed and to be covered with asbestos.

It has all of the advantages of any make of water tube boiler, namely, large sizes, high pressure, rapid circulation, quick steaming and safety.

It also retains the well known desirable feature of the plain tubular boiler with large volume of water, large steam space and large steam liberating surface and easy access for cleaning.

It has a very decided advantage over either the ordinary water tube or regular fire tube types in its small amount of brick work, thus eliminating a great deal of the trouble due to repair of brick walls and the extravagance of cold air leaks to the combustion chamber.

A sectional view of the "Lyons Safety" Boiler is shown in this issue. These have been built in sizes up to 500 horse power and for pressure up to 250 pounds.

DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR, BUREAU OF MINES.

New Publications. (List 6-October, 1911.) Bulletin.

Bulletin 13-Resume of producer-gas in vestigations, by R. H. Fernald and C. D. Smith. 1911. 378 pp, 12 pls.

Miner's Circular.

Miners' Circular 5-Electrical accidents in mines; their prevention and treatment, by H. H. Clark. 1911.

Reprints.

Bulletin 24-Binders for coal briquets, by J. E. Mills. 56 pp. Reprint of United States Geological Survey Bulletin 343. Copies will not be sent to persons who received Bulletin 343.

Bulletin 28-Experimental work conducted in the chemical laboratory of the United States fuel-testing plant, St. Louis, Mo., Jan. 1, 1905, to July 31, 1906. Reprint of United

States Geological Survey Bulletin 323. Copies will not be sent to persons who received Buletin 323.

Bulletin 27-Tests of coal and briquets as fuel for house-heating boilers, by D. T. Randall. 45 pp., 3 pls. Reprint of United States Geological Survey Bulletin 366. Copies will not be sent to persons who received Bulletin 366.

Bulletin 35-The utilization of fuel in locomotive practice, by W. F. M. Goss. 28 pp. Reprint of United States Geological Survey Bulletin 402. Copies will not be sent to persons who received Bulletin 402.

The bureau of mines has copies of these publications for free distribution, but can not give more than one copy of the same bulletin to one person. Requests for all papers can not be granted without satisfactory reason. In asking for publication please order them by number and title. Applications should be addressed to the Director of the Bureau of Mines, Washington, D. C.

A STATEMENT

To the American Public on the McNamara

Case:

The McNamaras stand before the world self convicted of great crimes. They have been sentenced to terms of imprisonmentJ. B. during his natural life, J. J. for fifteen years. The position of labor in connection with the effort made to afford these men an opportunity for adequate defense before the courts has been attacked and misrepresented to such a degree as to require a clear statement at the hands of the undersigned, who are in the best position to make an authoritative statement at this time-a statement that will be strengthened by some review of the principal points of the case.

Was there an explosion of gas in the Los Angeles Times building when it was destroyed? Immediately after the disaster the press reports stated that men, who had been at work in the building spoke of an odor of gas for some time previous to the explosion. Gas leakage in the building, it came out later, had been known to others. Many conservative trade union officials, newspaper writers and publicists, on making an investigation in Los Angeles, soon after, were positive in assuring the public that they believed gas had destroyed the building. Among the mine workers, not one man, so far as information has reached us, has believed the destructive explosive was dynamite. Prominent officials of the United Mine Workers, cautious, honorable men, whose word is taken as truth by all who know them, who are familiar with mining explosives, declared that the effect of the explosion was not that which follows a discharge of dynamite. Were all these men speaking from blind partisanship or from honest conviction? Were they utterly mistaken? The answer has now been supplied by the prosecution. While the "gas theory" was being hooted at by enemies of the unions, while even so late as last Friday night, an editor of the New York Times was indicting a contemptuous slur at John Mitchell for supposing "that proof would be adduced to show that an explosion of gas destroyed the Los Angeles Times building," the prosecution knew that gas was an agency in the explosion and a great factor in the destruction which ensued. W. J. Burns, in a press interview Saturday last, said: "Why, McManigal told us in his first confession that McNamara turned open the stopcocks of the gas mains of the building when he set the bomb. We knew all the time that a part of the explosion was due to gas." Now, the possible terrific force of a gas explosion, even in the open air, was shown in the wreckage caused by the accident at the Grand Central Station, New York, Dec. 19, 1910, while the Los Angeles

disaster was being discussed throughout the country.

The fact of a gas explosion led all others in importance in the minds of the organized workers. Nearly all of them were convinced that it was an established fact. The most cautious reasoners among them regarded the possibilities of the fact sufficient to hold to belief in it until proof to the contrary could be produced. They were willing to suspend conclusive judgment while awaiting evidence.

The public also wanted such facts regarding the circumstances of the explosion as could be accepted as evidence of the way it came about. What was given the public, first and foremost? On the instant, at the hearing of the explosion, H. B. Otis broke into a savage denunciation of trade unionists, accusing them of having caused the disaster, and he has ever since declared it was the result of dynamite. By this course, he diverted the case from one in which citizens in common should have proceeded, through legal methods alone, to search for the truth. He threw the unions on their defense, outraged them, insulted their officials, raised animosities that could have been avoided. He was at once backed up by the small circle of bitter enemies of trade unionism, whose fulminations were largely made up of transparent falsehoods leveled at trade unions in general and at the leaders of trade unions.

Despite all clamor it must be remembered that, with few exceptions, the international trade unions, more than 120 in number, are and have usually been in normal business relations with the employers of their members. Many of them have for years arranged their differences and their working conditions with employers through trade arrangements or other methods resulting in a minimum of loss through suspension of work. Violence in cases of dispute are not common to them. Trade unionists have been made aware, by experience, that stories of disorder by unionists during strikes or lockouts have been systematically exaggerated.

Therefore, aware of the necessity of trade union organization, of the incalculable amount of good in various forms done by and through their unions every year, of the long and bitter campaign carried on by Otis, Kirby, Post and others, to destroy trade unionism, and perceiving the intention of these plotters and their detectives to ignore the apparent, and, to their minds, proven cause of the Times disaster, and to turn that terrible event solely to account as a means of discrediting trade unionism, the unions energetically stated their side of the case to the American public as they saw it at that time.

When, after six months, the McNamaras were arrested, it was in Russian style, not American. Holding the members of the executive board of the Structural Iron Workers in confinement without warrant, hurrying J. J. McNamara away from Indianapolis in an automobile and by circuitous routes taken to California-what were these but features of high-handed irregularity, and tyrannical lawlessness, known in arrests in Russia that precede transportation of prosecuted citizens to Siberia? And, when Detective Burns has throughout been doubted by so great a part of the Ameircan public, it has been largely the fault of his proceedings at this point, and of his own defouling the reputation of his craft, for has he not said: "Private detectives, as a class, are the worst lot of blackmailing scoundrels that live outside of prisons" (see page 357, McClure's Magazine, August, 1911).

J. J. McNamara had not been of sufficient prominence among labor men to be the subject of discussion as a leading figure, but what was generally known of him was to his credit. He was at conventions as a man of pleasing appearance and of mild manner. He was spoken of as self educated and a faithful secretary of his organization. His speech and his writings for his magazine were reputed to be conservative. When placed under arrest, and throughout his imprisonment, his bearing was undemonstrative. His letters and telegrams to officials of the A. F. of L. and the Atlanta convention were concise and without suspicious characteristics. In no wise, to common observation, had he shown abnormal traits.

Did organized labor properly express its condemnation of violence on hearing of the Los Angeles disaster? It did by interviews, addresses and publications. The hundreds of union labor papers, in their issues succeeding the event, contained what, taken together, would make volumes, declarative of the sentiments of their editors and of the rank and file of union membership on the subject. All recognized the case as one of mystery, the feeling shown being that of horror at the possibility of any union man being implicated in it. Unions framed resolutions in meetings, declaring that trade unionism was not to be advanced by murderous acts. Union labor officials, and many others, were quoted to similar effect. president of the American Federation of Labor, the day after the disaster occurred, as published by the St. Louis Star, said:

The

"Labor does not stand for such outrages. nor contemplate such crime. I cannot believe that a union man has done it, and I deeply hope no one who was connected with the labor movement will be found to have done it. It is inconceivable that a union man should have done this thing. And yet, if it is found that a union man has done it. unionism can not be blamed by fair minded men for the deed of a man devoid of any human feeling, as the perpetrator of this horrible catastrophe must have been. It was the act of a madman. No one with an

ounce of sympathy in his makeup could do aught but contemplate such a crime with the deepest abhorrence."

These facts were further fully presented in the June, 1911, issue of the American Federationist, in a 17-page article entitled "The McNamara Case," in which the leading facts up to that time were reviewed. Speaking before the St. Louis Central Labor Union on Sunday, Oct. 2, 1910, the day after the disaster, President Gompers asserted he would "Immediately turn the dynamiters over to the authorities if he could lay hands on them." The Globe-Democrat also quoted him as saying: "I only wish I knew the actual perpetrator, and if I did, take my word for it, I would turn them over to justice."

The universal condemnation of a murderous deed in labor circles, ought to be a fact so far beyond question, so easily ascertainable from accessible records, that no man with any regard for his reputation for veracity could deny it. Yet, the New York Times, in an editorial last Saturday, printed this sentence: "From the day when James B. McNamara's bomb blew his 21 victims into eternity, down to the present time, no authoritative voice in the ranks of labor has been raised to express the hope that the murderers would be brought to justice, even should they prove to be union men."

Relative to other phases of the McNamara case, the article in the June American Federationist contains these passages:

"It may be said that from that time (the kidnapping) to the present Detective Burns, Attorney Drew, Editor Otis, C. W. Post and the active agents of the extremists in the Manufacturers' Association in general have all played to perfection the hysterical characters to which we are accustomed in the pages of cheap fiction and on the boards of the Bowery class of theaters."

***Nothing more surprised us in the series of audacious acts committed by Detective Burns than his saying to a reporter of the World, May 7, 1911:

'Samuel Gompers, president of the American Federation of Labor, knows by this time that there was no frame-up and that the arrests of the McNamaras and McManigal were not the result of a plant. Why? Because Gompers has been conducting an investigation of his own at Indianapolis that has convinced him that there was no frameup and no plants.'

"These assertions of Burns were entirely without foundation. Nothing was brought to our knowledge in Indianapolis or elsewhere that could be used as evidence against the prisoners or to show that the Structural Iron Workers' Union has been conducting a dynamite campaign against the Erectors' Associations."

Since the McNamaras' confession Burns has been reiterating this charge. The only "investigation" in which President Gompers participated in Indianapolis was the meeting of the prominent trade unionists held last May 10-12, called by officials of

the eight international unions which have their headquarters in that city, and the meeting of the officials of a large number of trade unions called by authority of the Executive Council of the American Federation of Labor, and held at Indianapolis, June 29, 1911. What President Gompers learned there was precisely what every one attending the conference learned, and that was nothing that helped to solve the mystery of the Los Angeles disaster, or, of criminality of any kind.

Indeed, the unlawful and un-American kidnapping of McNamara formed one of the chief factors of fixing in the minds of the working people of our country that he was innocent. They reasoned, as they had a right to reason, that if there existed evidence of McNamara's guilt of the crime charged, every protection would and should have been accorded him to demonstrate before the courts of Indiana that he was innocent of the crime with which he was charged. His protestations of innocence, his demands to be represented by counsel, were all ruthlessly ignored.

Violence, brutality, destruction of life or property, are foreign to the aims and methods of organized labor of America, and no interest is more severely injured by the employment of such methods, than that of the workers organized in the labor movement. Therefore, quite apart from the spirit of humanitarianism and justice which prompts the activities of the organized labor movement, policy and hopes for success, forbid the resort to violence. The American labor movement and its men are loyal Americans and seek to obtain the abolition of wrongs and the attainment of their rights within the law.

Organized labor of America has no desire to condone the crimes of the McNamaras. It joins in the satisfaction that the majesty of the law and justice has been maintained and the culprits commensurately punished for their crime.

man

And yet it is an awful commentary upon existing conditions when any one among all the millions of workers can bring himself to the frame of mind that the only means to secure justice for labor is in violence, outrage and murder.

It is cruelly unjust to hold the men of the labor movement either legally or morally responsible for the crime of an individual member. No such moral code or legal responsibility is placed upon any other association of men in our country.

In so far as we have the right to speak, in the name of organized labor, we welcome any investigations which either federal or state courts may undertake. The sessions of the conventions of the American Federation of Labor are held with open doors that all may see and hear what is being said and done. The books, accounts, and correspondence of the American Federation of Labor are open to any competent authority, who may desire to make a study or an investigation of them..

Will the National Manufacturers' Association, the Erectors' Association and the detective agencies extend the same privilege for public investigation and examination of their books and correspondence?

When we were selected as a committee on ways and means to raise and dispense funds for the defense of the McNamaras and the prosecution of the kidnappers, we were fully impressed with the innocence of the accused men. That impression was strengthened by their written and oral protestations of innocence. We here and now, individually and collectively, declare that the first knowledge or intimation of their guilt was conveyed by the press in their confessions of guilt. From the outset we assured all contributors and the public generally that we would publish an accounting of the monies received, from whom received, and to whom paid. This assurance will be fulfilled. A report in full will first be made to the Executive Council of the American Federation of Labor, at its meeting to be held at Washington, D. C., Jan. 8, 1912.

The American labor movement has done so much for the workers of our country in improving their condition, in lightening the burdens which the workers have had to bear, bringing light and hope in the homes and in the lives, the factories and the workshops of our country, that it challenges the world of investigators. The organizations of labor of America have been the most potent factors in the establishment and maintenance of the largest measure of industrial peace. Their course is of a conciliatory character, to reach trade agreements with employers, and the faithful adherence to agreements. When industrial conditions become unsettled, they are more largely due to the unreasonableness of employers, who regard every effort of the workers to maintain their rigts, and to promote their interests, as an invasion of employers' prerogatives, which are resented with consequent struggles. If employers will be but fair and tolerant, they will find more than a responsive attitude on the part of organized labor, but, of one thing all may rest assured, that with existing conditions of concentrated wealth and industry, the organized toilers of our country realize that there is no hope from abject slavery outside of the protection which the organized labor movement affords.

The men of organized labor, in common with all our people, ar grieved beyond expression in words at the loss of life, and the destruction of property, not only in the case under discussion, but in any other case which may have occurred. We are hurt and humiliated to think that any man connected with the labor movement should have been guilty of either. The lesson this grave crime teaches will, however, have its salutatory effect. It will demonstrate now more than ever, the inhumanity, as well as the futility of resorting to violence in the effort to right wrongs, or to attain rights.