see no doubters; hence, on the same principle of reasoning, who can doubt the original condition of the former, as they are now presented to us in the book of nature, when we are pursuaded to turn over its leaves. Fire burns, the rose blossoms, the young come forth, the sun, moon, the planets, and stars, are in motion, yet who can see that secret agency that causes all these effects, any more or less, than he can see that Agency that gives rise to the different colored existences, and man, yet we know, by the exercise of reason, that such exist and have all the generative organs for reproduction in resemblance to themselves, severally. No one, for a moment, pretends, through a process of presumed mutations, that an apple originated from a pear, or a cherry from a plum, or an apricot from a peach, or squirrel from a rabbit, or tea from coffee, or coffee from the beans which we eat, etc., by apparent congenerics throughout the whole volume of nature. And why not? Because their organic forms are distinct, and each has the capacity of reproducing its kind, and an appeal to our senses awards this decision. This being the condition of this figure, as presented to the most common understanding; physiologically and ethnologically, in view of the organic law then, what deviation should we expect from such, with reference to existences of color and man, in their creation and production? If we should wander into the woody forests, or over the verdant meadows, or over the dry channels which have disgorged their fountains, coming from mountains and periodical springs, or take a geological survey of the inner depths of the

earth, and should say, after a minute investigation, and after we had beheld so much diversity in the organic forms of matter, that all sprang from one organic form in each of the kingdoms! what would a common field-hand negro, exercising no more sense than enough to do the bidding of the whites, say as to such a conclusion? The most common understanding must see the monstrocity of such a conclusion, and the intelligent white men argue in favor of the unity of existences of color and man, in the United States, and of putting such on an equality with the whites politically, for no other purpose, after their emancipation is effected, than to use them as tools, as the existences of color are used in Mexiico, Central, and South America, except Brazil. This will be the upshot of the present gigantic abolition raid against slavery. By making emancipated slaves citizens, and consequently voters, they would be ever ready to play, into the hands of the Abolitionists, the balance of power in the government, which would degenerate into a monarchy of blacks and whites, as heterogenious as could be generated. The Agrarian law was a humbug; Mohammedanism was a humbug; the pretended religion of those people who settled in New England near Pilgrim Rock, was a humbug; Witchcraftism was a humbug; the prosecution of the Quakers and Catholics in New England was a humbug; Mormanism was a humbug; Socialism was a humbug; Millerism was a humbug; but the prince of humbugs is Abolitionism in modern times, with such men as Prichard, Sumner, Lovejoy, Fremont, Cameron, Dickinson, with a whole host of greater

and less satelites, that shine in the dim and bloody world of their own creation!

If the religion of the New Englanders had been pure, and had it been founded on this eternal principle of respecting "thy neighbor as thyself" in point of natural organic rights, could they have persecuted the Quakers and Catholics who came among them? God, in his creation, made the earth for the white man, and all else in subordination to him; see physiologically the order of creation in the first chapter of Genesis. Therefore, those whites who believe in Him have a right to His Inheritance, a natural right to air, water, and the earth to sleep on, and a conventional right to purchase lands, founded on Organic Law, or as it should be, for possessions. To purchase in this sense, implies an original white possessor. As based on this law, there could be no religious nor political persecutions; for inanimate nature does not persecute herself; hence can animate nature consistently persecute herself? When man, over his fellow man, deviates from this law, and inflicts punishment, banishment, imprisonment, or death, upon those who adhere to the order of creation, and consequently to organic law, he denies this order, this law, and becomes an Atheist. For, in offending God in spiritual matters, man is responsible to his Creator alone, and when man assumes to pronounce the judgment in question, he deifies himself, denies his God, and becomes an Atheist, also.

This was the condition with those first emigrants to New England, who settled near Pilgrim Rock, and who assumed the reins of God in their punishment

of man for departures in faith from their creed. This same Abolition, fanatical, Atheistical, unconstitutional, creed has been handed down from father to son in those States, embracing those susceptible of its adoption, till the constitutional elements of the United States are aroused from their apathy, to contemplate means of forcing all to the letter and spirit of the Constitutional platform, founded by our forefathers.

In drawing this work to a close, it may profit us to review portions of the Constitution, and our first object is to quote Benjamin R. Curtis, of Boston, Massachusetts, late Judge of the Supreme Court of the United States, on Executive Power, by presenting in the first place, the subjects that gave rise to his article, as follows, to-wit:

EXTRACT FROM PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S PROCLAMATION OF SEPTEMBER 22, 1862.

“That on the first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons held as slaves within any State, or designated part of a State, the people whereof shall then be in rebellion against the United States, shall be then, thenceforward and forever free: and the Executive Government of the United States, including the military and naval authority thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons, and will do no act or acts to suppress such persons, or any of them, in any efforts they may make for their actual freedom.

That the Executive will, on the first day of January aforesaid, by proclamation, designate the States, and parts of States, if any, in which the people thereof respectively shall then be in rebellion against the United States; and the fact that any State, or the people thereof shall on that day be in good faith represented in the Congress of the United States, by members chosen thereto at elections, where a majority of the qualified voters of such States shall have participated, shall, in the absence of sirong countervailing testimony, be deemed conclusive evidence that such State and the people thereof, are not then in rebellion against the United States." "Understand, I raise no objection against it on legal or constitutional grounds; for, as the Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy in time

of war, I suppose I have a right to take any measure which may best subdue the enemy."—President Lincoln to the Chicago Delegation.

PROCLAMATION OF SEPTEMBER 24, 1862.

"WHEREAS, It has become necessary to call into service not only volunteers, but also a portion of the militia of the States by draft, in order to suppress the insurrection existing in the United States, and disloyal persons are not adequately restrained by the ordinary processes of law from hindering this measure, and from giving aid and comfort, in various ways, to the insurrection.

Now, therefore, be it ordered

1. That during the existing insurrection, and as a necessary measure for suppressing the same, all rebels and insurgents, all aiders and abettors, within the United States, and all persons discouraging volunteer enlistments, resisting militia drafts, or guilty of any disloyal practice, affording aid and comfort to the rebels against the authority of the United States, shall be subject to martial law, and liable to trial and punishmeut by court martial or military commission.

2. That the writ of habeas corpus is suspended in respect to all persons arrested, or who are now, or hereafter during the rebellion shall be, im. prisoned in any fort, camp, arsenal, military prison, or other place of confinement by any military authority, or by the sentence of any court martial or military commission.

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed.

Done at the city of Washington, this twenty-fourth day of Sep

L.S. tember, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, and of the Independence of the United States the eighty. ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

seventh.

By the President:

WILLIAM H. SEWARD,

Secretary of State."

ORDERS OF THE SECRETARY OF WAR, PROMULGATED SEP.

TEMBER 26, 1862.

"First. There shall be a Provost Marshal General of the War Depart. ment, whose headquarters will be at Washington, and who will have the immediate supervision, control and management of the corps.

Second. There will be appointed in each State one or more special Provost Marshals, as necessity may require, who will report and receive instructions and orders from the Provost Marshal General of the War Department.

Third. It will be the duty of the special Provost Marshal to arrest all deserters, whether Regulars, Volunteers, or Militia, and send them to the nearest military commander or military post, where they can be cared for and sent to their respective regiments; to arrest upon the warrant of the