master leaves the slave at home and marches off to Virginia and Tennessee to fight; sure, quite sure, of the continued services of the negro, with whom even is left the custody of his wife and family. But all this insurrection being exploded, the Abolitionized-Republican is now sure of another thing-first, that if you tell the negro he is free, he will free himself; and next, when free, that he will fight his old master-errors as great as his old one, that when civil war sprang up, insurrection would follow after.

Now, in the first place, of the 4,000,000 negroes, 3,500,000 are attached to, devoted to, their masters. The African is a sympathetic being, with generally a loving heart, and to a kind master, such as are ninetenths of the masters, he is attached, and the attachment extends to the wife and children, of whom he is often proud to be a protector. It is very true that as our armies approach slavery, and that when the master flies from his slaves, the African seeks another master, in the new comer, and hence the institution of slavery dissolves; but it is not the less true that, until the army approaches and touches, the institution of slavery has as strong a hold over the negro as ever. The negro, then abandoned, transfers his service from a Southern to Northern master, and that is all the change, unless, as in too many places, we white people consent to tax ourselves to provide idle negroes with Government rations, at the expense of home white labor; or, in other words, a master is indispensable to the slave, and, unless there be a change from one Southern to another Northern master, the negro must be supported at Government expense.

General McClellan has glad to employ them;

The negro will work only under the eye of a master, and when there is no master there is no work. The officers and soldiers on the Peninsula have just been demonstrating all this. been employing negroes, and but, in the first place, he could not get many of them to work without re-enslaving them, against their wills; and, in the next place, if he did, the most of them "ran away," after earning a dollar or two. To work them, then, even as aids to soldiers, it is necessary to re-enslave them; or, in other words, to make them work against their wills. General McClellan has not been permitted to do that; but when he is, doubtless, he will do over again what their old masters did with them-organize them, under overseers, in gangs-under discipline, he may call it, "military," but, in fact, it must be "slave" discipline. Now the slave's idea of freedom is this, and this only: "Freedom from work, idleness; to do nothing but to eat, drink and sleep," and when, in his estimation, he is disturbed in eating, drinking or sleeping, by being made to work, he ceases to be free. And this is not only the nature of the negro now, but it has been for four thousand years, during all of which time, without advancing in civilization, save under white protection, he has ever consented to be the slave of Egyptian, Arab, Syrian, or of any body that would take the trouble of him. Even in our invigorating Northern latitudes there are but few exceptions to this reasoning; for even here, in all respects (with but these exceptions,) the negro, as free as we are, is but a social slave, and generally so lazy, so refusing all real work, that his

children perish for want of proper food and clothing, and the race, but as replenished from the South, actually dies out.

Hence, all this Abolition-Republican idea that the negro, South, will work, but as he is forced to work against his will,—that is, re-enslaved-is exploded by the very nature and character of the negro there,but, in its other idea, of how he will fight as a soldier against his old white master,-as there has been no experiment ever, we can not have, till we try, the deductions of experience. The Briton never brings the Sepoy from the East Indies to keep Canada or Ireland in order, nor the African from the West Indies. No modern white nation has tried to subdue other white nations with Asiatic or African; and hence, history is silent on such experiments yet to be tried. But if there be any thing in the morale of a man, and unless the whole character of a man born in slavery and long enslaved is changed, no negro slave can ever be brought to face white men in the field-in regiments of his own-and hence, in all probability, whenever the experiment is tried it will result in disaster to the experimenter.

But what folly is this arming of negroes, even if there were no race objections to it, and no fatal consequences of equality and fraternity with armed negroes, such as we see in the Spanish American States-when, of the 4,500,000 blacks in this country, about 4,000,000 of them are in Southern possession, and can be as well armed against us. If we begin to arm negroes, is any Republican weak enough to suppose slaves will not be armed against us too? If we

begin to recruit among negroes, is it to be doubtec that they who have this raw material for soldiers will not bring one hundred negroes into the field for our one, with this advantage to the Southern rebel negro, that his master knows how to manage and how to discipline him, and that he (the negro) has confidence as well as fear of his master.'

Respecting the labor question in the free States, that is, White labor and Negro labor, we quote the following from the St. Louis Republican, July 11th, 1862:

THE IRREPRESSIBLE CONFLICT.

"On Tuesday last there was a riot in Toledo, Ohio, between the Irish and negro stevedores employed at the docks in loading and unloading the lake boats. It seems that the Irish made a 'strike' and were discharged, and the negroes engaged in their places at the old prices. The Irish undertook to prevent the blacks from working, and for a time stones, clubs, knives and pistols flourished in a frightful manner, a great many of the participants receiving injuries and some bystanders being killed. Several houses belonging to negroes were demolished, and to quell the disturbance the citizens were called out to patrol the streets.

"This is the beginning of an irrepressible conflict between the white and the black races. Already large numbers of fugitive slaves are gathering in the cities, and should the Abolition policy prevail, the free States will be overrun and infested by this class of population. The negroes thus let loose upon the community must either be supported in idleness and

sloth by those among whom they come, or they must put themselves in competition with the white laborers and reduce the price of work, if they do not wholly monopolize the more common of the industrial pursuits. This will at once put an effectual check upon white immigration, and compel the poorer classes, at least, of Americans, German and Irish to take their option between absolute starvation and toiling side by side with an inferior and despised race, at wages much lower than they have hitherto commanded.

"We know nothing of the merits of the quarrel between the Toledo stevedores and their employers. It may be that the demands of the former were unreasonable and extortionate. The circumstances show, however, that the employers placed as high an → estimate upon the labor of the blacks as that of the Irish, for the former were hired at the same rates that had been paid the latter. Capital rarely makes any distinction of color in respect to investments, and, unless deterred by such demonstrations as those witnessed in the Ohio city, employers will, as a general thing, take advantage of all competitition among laborers.

"White men who derive sustenance for themselves and families by the exercise of their physical strength in hard days' work-that large and indispensable class, we mean, who have acquired no skill, to give them advantages over others-will now have to look this question of negro competition squarely in the face. They see a pack of rabid politicians in the country, claiming to act upon the dictates of philanthropy and humanity, who are daily and hourly en