1857.

No. 28.

No. 28. ]

REPORT of the Select Committee on Kansas Affairs.

SENATE CHAMBER,

Lansing, February 8, 1857.

The select committee to whom was referred so much of the Governor's Message as relates to the affairs of Kansas, have had the subject under consideration and beg leave to submit the following report:

We do not propose to rehearse the history of the Missouri Compromise, nor the story of its repeal. These are matters with which all are presumed to be familiar. The effect of that repeal-we need not say the design-has been to throw open to slavery a vast territory, larger than the original States of this Union. And in the settlement of the great question which is thus brought into issue between liberty and slavery, Kansas is, at this hour, most especially and directly involved.

The repeal of the restriction-which had, during the life of an entire generation, been regarded as a solemn national compact, as little subject to repeal as the ordinance of 1787, or the Constitution of the United States has been justly considered as a most extraordinary event. But the measures which have been adopted to realise to the slave holding interest the full benefit which they had hoped to derive from that repeal, are more extraordinary still.

The historian of the future who may not be versed in the machinations of slavery, and in the fiendish and persistent malignity with

which it is wont to pursue its ends, will ponder the record of the two years past with a most pardonable incredulity.

The violation of good faith in which the repeal was begotten, gave the nation a shock from which it had scarce begun to recover, when it was followed by other and still more startling violations of a similar kind. The attempt has been made to justify the repeal on the ground that the emigrants to the territories had an inalienable right to govern themselves to make their own laws, and establish their own institutions. And the strongest and most emphatic pledges were given that in this right the citizens of the territories should be protected. Those who emigrated to Kansas had a right to expect that these pledges would be fulfilled.

But in due time it was seen that liberty was vigorous and enterprising-nimble-footed in her movements, and effective in her plans; and that the territories would be pre-occupied by northern emigrants, carrying with them the institutions of freedom; the school, the press, and all the improvements of modern civilization, before slavery-dropsical and gouty, and smitten with the palsy, could hobble in.

What then was to be done? A temporary expedient must be adopted. Defeat or a desperate alternative was before them. That alternative was chosen, and a mercenary horde of banditti were turned in upon the territories to plunder and murder-to lay waste the land by fire and rapine and the sword-to take possession of the polls-elect the officers and make the laws for the citizens of that subjugated province. Thus was Kansas made to bear the yoke which a Missouri mob imposed upon her; and the administration at Washington made no interference. Such is her condition at this hour-with a code of enactments, we will not dignify them by the name of laws-made by a bogus legislature of Missouri ruffians, worthy only of barbarism and of despotism,―her citizens subjected to outrage, to the destruction of their property to the laying waste of their crops-to personal injury and even to death. And to all these atrocities the administration of the General Government has become " accessory after the fact," if not be-

fore.

Shall slavery triumph in this new and most outrageous form of attack upon the rights of Northern freemen? Shall the slavery propagandists, first by an unparalleled fraud, chicanery and corruption, break

up a time honored compact; and afterwards by force and arms and a reign of terror, eject Northern freemen from the possession of the rights which still remained to them, and which they pledged themselves ever to defend? This is a question in which the Nation is interested. Every free State especially feels an interest in its decision. The addition of a single slave State from all this vast domain, would be an untold evil, perpetuating itself to the end of time. We cannot feel indifferent. Slavery is an element of weakness, of strife and of peril. We believe to the fullest extent what was so forcibly uttered by JAMES MADISON in the Constitutional convention in 1787,

66

that

Every addition the States receive to their number of slaves tends to weaken and render them less capable of self-defense. In case of hostilities with foreign nations, they will be the means of inviting attack instead of repelling invasion. It is a necessary duty of the General Government to protect every part of their confines against dangers, as well internal as external. Every thing, therefore, which tends to increase danger, THOUGH IT BE A LOCAL AFFAIR, yet, if it involves national expense or safety, becomes of concern to every part of the Union, and is a proper subject for the consideration of those charged with the general administration of this government."

The Slave Power has already waxed insolent beyond measure and beyond endurance; and if, in this strife, they gain the farther mastery, every freeman may bend his neck to the collar, give his cheek to the brand, and lie down supinely to wear the chains which slavery may impose. The alternatives with us are submission or a determined and vigorous maintenance of the rights of freemen.

But we are told that we may have peace in Kansas if we will but retire from the contest. This is a profound discovery! So might our Fathers have had peace by unresisting submission to the tea tax and the stamp act. So might the patriots of Hungary have had peace by wearing unresistingly the chains forged by Austrian despots. So may any victim make peace with the highwayman by yielding "his money or his life." But "is peace so sweet as to be purchased at the price of slavery and of chains?"

The outrages which have been committed upon the citizens from the Free States who have sought a home in Kansas we will not rehearse. It is a story of wrong and of violence, tory of pretended civilization has not often recorded.

such as the his

Among the vic

bers of our own citizens. And hundreds of emigrants from this State are now in that Territory, who, for the sake of the great question at issue, are braving with heroic valor and determined fortitude the perils to which they are exposed. And these are perils arising not only from hostile invasion, but from the actual want of the necessaries of life resulting from such invasion.

What shall be done for their relief? Shall the contest be surrendered, and Kansas delivered over to be ravaged by slavery? We trust not. Thus far, indeed, the wrong has triumphed; but we hope the day of its triumph is well nigh passed. It assuredly is if freedom's hosts are true to themselves. But the victory is not ours yet. There is a temporary lull in the storm, but the clouds have not been dissipated. We fear they are only holding in reserve their elements of fire and hail to pour them out with increased violence when the thunderbolts shall be fully forged, and Liberty's guards shall be found sleeping at their posts. We tread upon slumbering earthquakes. The volcanic ocean is at rest to-day; but to-morrow it may only pour forth a wider and deeper and fiercer tide. With the Roman poet we may say:

"We walk through fires covered over with deceitful ashes." They are not extinguished; and at any hour they may burst forth with redoubled fury.

What is it the duty of this Legislature to do in these circumstances? Shall we refuse to render our citizens who wish to make a home in Kansas, prompt and efficient aid in their hour of need? To this question your committee believe that a large majority of this body will give a negative answer. Our constituents do not expect of us the withholding of such relief. They will be disappointed if we refuse or fail to render it. The utmost limit to which your committee propose to extend the appropriation which they recommend will amount to less than two cents for each ir habitant of the State-about one-fifteenth of a mill tax for a single year!

Were but a single citizen of this State a victim of Austrian despotism, ten thousand dollars-if need be-would leap from the Treasury and hasten on its way to give him deliverance, with a hearty good-will attending it, and not a voice to say nay. And the State would remem