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STATEMENT OF THE PUBLIC DEBT OF THE UNITED STATES, JULY 1, 1869.—Continued.
Interest accrued, $48,569,493.79, less am't of interest paid in advance, $1,122,182.... 47,447,31079
Total debt-Principal and interest -
Amount in Treasury-Coin, belonging to Government - ............................................ $79,718,072 62
Amount of public debt, less cash and sinking fund in Treasury......
Amount of public debt, less cash and sinking fund in Treasury, on the 1st ultimo............
Decrease of public debt during the past month
Decrease since March 1, 1869
STATEMENT OF THE PUBLIC DEBT OF THE UNITED STATES, JULY 1, 1869.-Continued.
Bonds issued to the Union Pacific Railroad Company and Branches, Interest Payable in Lawful Money.
Interest repaid Balance of inter-
Letter from General Sherman. THE SURRENDER OF GENERAL JOS. E. JOHNSTON.
To the editor of the Tribune. . SIR: In your issue of yesterday is a notice of Mr. Healy's picture, representing the interview between Mr. Lincoln, General Grant, Admiral Porter, and myself, which repeats substantially the account published some time ago in Wilkes' Spirit of the Times explanatory of that interview, and attributing to Mr. Lincoln himself the paternity of the terms to General Johnston's army at Durham, in April, 1865.” I am glad you have called public attention to
the picture itself, because I feel a personal inter
est that Mr. Healy should be appreciated as one - necessary to meet the event of peace so long ex
of our very best American artists. But some friends here think by silence I may be construed as willing to throw off on Mr. Lincoln the odium of those terms. I doubt, I surely would not be willing that the least show of it should go to Mr. Lincoln's memory, which I hold in too much veneration to be stained by anything done or said by me... I understand that the substance of Mr. Wilkes's original article was compiled by him after a railroad conversation with Admiral Porter, who was present at that interview, as represented in the picture, and who made a note of the conversation immediately after we separated. He would be more likely to have preserved the exact words used on the occasion than I, who made no notes, then or since, I cannot now even pretend to recall more than the subjects touched upon by the several parties, and the impression left on my mind after we parted. The interview was in March, nearly a month before the final catastrophe, and it was my part of the plan of operations to move my army, reinforced by Schofield, then at Goldsboro', North Carolina, to Burkesville, Virginia, when Lee would have been forced to surrender in Richmond. The true move left to him was a hasty abandonment of Richmond, join his force to Johnston's, and strike me in the open country. The only question was, could I sustain this joint attack till General Grant came up in pursuit? I was confident I could; but at the very moment of our conversation General Grant was moving General Sheridan's heavy force of cavalry to his extreme left to prevent this ver '' Mr. Lincoln, in hearing us speak of a final bloody battle, which I then thought would fall on me near Raleigh, did exclaim, more than once, that blood enough had already been shed, and he hoped that the war would end without any more. We spoke of what was to be done with Davis, other party
*For these terms, see Political Manual for 1866, and the Hand-Book of Politics for 1868, p. 121.
leaders, and the rebel army; and he left me under the impression that all he asked of us was to dissipate these armies, and get the soldiers back to their homes anyhow, the quicker the better, leaving him free to apply the remedy and the restoration of civil law. He (Mr. Lincoln) surely left upon my mind the impression, warranted by Admiral's Porter's account, that he had long thought of his course of action when the rebel armies were out of his way, and that he wanted to get civil governments reorganized at the South, the quicker the better, and strictly conforming with our general system. I had been absent so long that I presumed, of course, that Congress had enacted all the laws
pected, and the near approach of which must
then have been seen by the most obtuse, and
If there be any odoum, which all I aimed to do was to remit the rebel army
surrendering to me to the conditions of the laws of the country as they then existed. At the time of Johnston's surrender at Durham, I drew up the terms with my own hand, Breckinridge had nothing at all to do with them more than to discuss their effect, and he knew they only applied to the military, and he forthwith proceeded to make his escape from the country; a course that I believe Mr. Lincoln wished that Mr. Davis should have succeeded in effecting, as well as all the other leading southern politicians against whom public indignation always turned with a feeling far more intense than against Generals Lee, Johnston, and other purely mili
'', that, according to my memory, Mr. Lincoln did not expressly name any specific terms of surrender, but he was in that kindly and gentle frame of mind that would have induced him to approve fully what I did, excepting, probably, he would have interlined some modifications, such as recognizing his several £ antecedent, as well as the laws of
ongress, which would have been perfectly right and acceptable to me and to all parties.
I dislike to open this or any other old question, and do it for the reason stated, viz, lest I be construed as throwing off on Mr. Lincoln what his friends think should be properly borne by me alone.
If in the original terms I had, as I certainl meant, included the proclamations of the President, they would have covered the slavery question and all the real State questions which caused the war: and had not Mr. Lincoln been assassinated at that very moment, I believe those “terms” would have taken the usual course of approval, modification, or absolute disapproval, and been returned to me, like hundreds of other official acts, without the newspaper clamor and
unpleasant controversies so unkindly and unpleasantly thrust upon me at the time. I am, truly, yours, W. T. SHERMAN, General. WASHINGTON, D.C., April 11, 1869.
*President Grant's Proclamation for the Election in Mississippi, issued July 13, 1869. In pursuance of the provisions of the act of Congress approved April 10, 1869, I hereby designate Tuesday, the 30th day of November, as the time for submitting the constitution adopted on the 15th day of May, 1868, by the convention which met in Jackson, Mississippi, to the voters of said State registered at the date of such submission, viz, November 30, 1869. And I submit to a separate vote that part of section 3 of article '' of said constitution, which is in the following words: “That I am not disfranchised in any of the provisions of the act known as the reconstruc. tion acts of the 39th and 40th Congresses, and that I admit the political and civil equality of all men; so help me God: Provided, That if Congress shall at any time remove the disabilities of any person disfranchised in the said reconstruction acts of the said 39th and 40th Congresses, (and the legislature of this State , shall concur therein,) then so much of this oath, and so much only, as refers to the said reconstruction acts, shall not be required of such person so pardoned to entitle him to be registered.” And I further submit to a separate vote section 5 of the same article of said constitution, which is in the following words: “No person shall be eligible to any office of profit or trust, civil or military, in this State, who, as a member of the legislature, voted for the call of the convention that passed the ordinance of secession, or who, as a delegate to any convention, voted for or # any ordinance of secession, or who gave voluntary aid, countenance, counsel, or encouragement to persons engaged in armed hostility to the United States, or who accepted or attempted to exercise the functions of any office, civil or military, under any authority or pretended government, authority, power, or constitution, within the United States, hostile or inimical thereto, except all persons who aided reconstruction by voting for this convention, or who have continuously advocated the assembling of this convention, and shall continuously and in good faith advocate the acts of the same; but the legislature may remove such disability: Provided, That nothing in this section, except voting for or signing the ordinance of secession, shall be so construed as to exclude from office the private soldier of the late so-called Confederate States army.” And I further submit to a separate vote section 5 of article XII of the said constitution, which is in the following words: “The credit of the State shall not be pledged or loaned in aid of any person, association, or corporation; nor shall the State hereafter become a stockholder in any corporation or association.” And I further submit to a separate vote part of the oath of office prescribed in section 26 of
* Received too late for insertion in proper place with other proclamations.
article XII of the said constitution, which is in the following words: “That I have never, as a member of any convention, voted for or signed any ordinance of secession; that I have never, as a member of any State legislature, voted for the call of any convention that passed any such ordinance. The above oath shall also be taken by all the city and county officers before entering upon their duties, and by all other State officers not included in the above provision.” I direct the vote to be taken upon each of the above cited provisions alone, and upon the other portions of the said constitution in the following manner, Viz: Each voter favoring the ratification of the constitution, (excluding the provisions above quoted,) as adopted by the convention of May 15, 1868, shall express his judgment by voting FOR THE CONSTITUTION. Each voter favoring the rejection of the constitution, (excluding the provisions above quoted,) shall express his judgment by voting AGAINST Tri E CONSTITUTION. Each voter will be allowed to cast a separate ballot for or against either or both of the provisions above quoted. It is understood that sections 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, and 15, of article XIII, under the head of “Ordinance,” are considered as forming no part of the said constitution. In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. Done at the city of Washington this thirteenth day of July, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty[seAL.] nine, and of the independence of the United States of America the ninetyfourth. U. S. GRANT. By the President: HAMILTON FISH, Secretary of State.
*President Grant's Proclamation for the Election in Texas, issued July 15, 1869.
In pursuance of the provisions of the act of Congress approved April 10, 1869, I hereby designate Tuesday, the 30th day of November, 1869, as the time for submitting the constitution adopted by the convention which met in Austin, Texas, on the 15th day of June, to the voters of said State, registered at the date of such submission, viz:
I direct the vote to be taken upon the said constitution in the following manner, viz:
Each voter favoring, the ratification of the constitution, as adopted by the convention of the 15th of June, 1868, shall express his judgment by voting
FOR THE CONSTITUTION.
Each voter favoring the rejection of the con
stitution shall express his judgment by voting AGAINST THE CONSTITUTION.
In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed.
Done at the city of Washington, this fifteenth
day of July, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty
[SEAL.] nine, and of the independence of the
The special committee of the Senate of Massachusetts has reported the following amendment to the constitution of that State: Article of amendment.—"The word 'male' is hereby stricken from the 3d article of the amendment of the constitution. Hereafter women of this Commonwealth shall have the right of voting at elections and be eligible to office on the same terms, restrictions, and qualifications, and subject to the same restrictions and disabilities, as male citizens of this Commonwealth now are, and no other." [This amendment must be approved by two successive legislatures, and then submitted to the men of the State.] June 2.–It was voted down by the Senateyeas 9, nays 22, as follows: YEAs.–Messrs. Whiting Griswold, Francis A. Hobart, Nathaniel J. Holden, Richmond Kingman, Charles R. Ladd, Charles Marsh, Robert C. Pitman, (President) Richard Plumer, Chas. U. Wheelock—9. NAYs-Messrs. Geo. O. Brastow, Geo. M. But. trick, H. H. Coolidge, Sam'l D. Crane, Edmund Dowse, John B. Hathaway, Estes. Howe, George A. King, C. J. Kittredge, J. N. Marshall, Geo. H. Monroe, E. W. Morton, J. R. Palmer, Jos. G. Pollard, O. H. P. Smith, George H. Sweetser, George S. Taylor, Edward Thomas, J. S. Todd, Harrison Tweed, G. B. Weston, Jonathan White –22. NoT WortNG.–Messrs. Nathaniel E. Atwood, Benjamin Dean, A. M. Giles, L. J. Knowles, John II. Lockey, Charles R. McLean. Daniel Needham, Jos. G. Ray, Geo. M. Rice–9.
Proposed XVIth Amendment.
House of REPRESENTATIVES U.S., 1869, March 16.—Mr. JULIAN introduced a joint resolution proposing the following as the XVIth amendment to the Constitution of the United States:
ARTICLE XVI. The right of suffrage in the United States shall be based on citizenship, and shall be regulated by Congress, and all citizens of the United States, whether native or naturalized, shall enjoy this right equally, without any distinction or discrimination whatever founded On SeX.
IN SENATE. IN SENATE. IN SENATE.
Proposed Amendment to Constitution of the United States.
At various public meetings the following amendment to the preamble of the Constitution of the United States has been proposed: ... We, the people of the '' States, acknowledging Almighty God as the source of all authority and power in civil government, the Lord Jesus Christ as the ruler among the nations, and His will, revealed in the Holy Scriptures, as of supreme authority, in order to constitute a christian government, form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote the eneral welfare, do ordain and establish this onstitution for the United States of America.
Elections of 1869.
In NEW HAMPSHIRE the vote was: for Governor, Onslow Stearns, (Rep.,) 35,733; John Bedel, (Dem.) 32,001. In RHODE ISLAND the vote was: for Governor, Seth Paddleford, (Rep.) 7,359; Symon Pierce, (Dem.) 3,390. In CoNNECTICUT the vote was; for Governor, Marshall Jewell, (Rep.) 45,493; James E. English, (Dem.) 45,082. Jewell's majority, 411. In MICHIGAN, at the judicial election, Thomas M. Cooley was elected justice of the supreme court by 90,705 to 59,886 for O. Darwin Hughes. In VIRGINIA the vote was: for Governor, Gilbert C. Walker, £ 119,492; H. H. Wells, (Rep.,) 101,291—Walker's majority,18,264. The vote on clauses was: for clause 4, sec. 1, art. III of constitution, (disfranchising,) 84,410, against 124,360—majority, 39,950; for sec. 7, art. III, (test oath.) 83,458, against 124,715–majority, #. For the constitution, 210,585, against ,136. In WASHINGTON Territory the vote was: for Delegate to Congress, Garfield, (Rep.) 2,742, Moore, (Dem.) 2,595–Garfield's majority, 147.
R. T. Daniel's Dispatch to President Grant.
RICHMOND, July 7, 1869. Mr. PRESIDENT: On behalf of the State executive committee of the Walker party, I conratulate you upon the triumph .# your policy in Virginia. The gratitude of the people for your liberality is greatly enlivened by the over. whelming majority by which that policy pre
vails. R. T. DANIEL,
IN SENATE. IN SENATE. IN SENATE.