ing an adverse balance of trade of $2,128,645. But this is accounted for by the peculiar situation of affairs. Just before leaving the Spaniards carried off everything portable, including the crops, and on the surrender of the custom-houses there was nothing left to export for some time thereafter, and a large quantity of American and other foreign goods had to be imported to supply the wants not only of the native inhabitants but of the Americans who came in with or shortly after the military forces. The quantity of breadstuffs and provisions alone, amounting to $2,370,307, shows this inference to be correct, and it is borne out by other statistics.

For the ten months after the inauguration of the civil government the value of the imports amounted to $8,102,460, and the exports amounted to $5,814,083, leaving an adverse balance of $2,288,377. This is partly due to the effects of the hurricane, which damaged those crops from which the exports are principally drawn. The commerce of Porto Rico, though reduced in volume, is carried on chiefly with the United States, more than three-fourths of the imports and nearly twothirds of the exports being from and to the land with which it has so lately become united by political ties.

The internal commerce of the island can not be estimated with any degree of accuracy for lack of reliable statistics accessible. However, a general index to it can be found in the custom-house reports above referred to. As the area of the island is so small, nearly all the internal traffic is carried on directly with the coast cities, and, indeed, the lack of good roads has heretofore prevented any great amount of interchange of commodities between towns in the interior. There are only 159 miles of railroad in the island. It is all of narrow gauge, only 1 meter wide. A railroad is projected to encircle the whole island, running not far from the coast line, but there is no prospect of its early completion. However, with an island of this size the 360 miles of coast line furnish good water transportation for almost the whole country, there being scarcely a hamlet or town anywhere more than 20 miles from the seacoast. It is true that the roads from the crest of the central cordillera to the coast are in many and nearly all cases very bad in the wet season, yet the distance is so inconsiderable that these difficulties are not insurmountable. The interior transportation is carried on away from the short railroad lines exclusively by pack horses and ox carts. However, taken altogether, the condition of external and internal commerce is not at all discouraging, and we look with confidence for brighter days to dawn hereafter.

BUFFALO EXPOSITION.

By act of legislature of January 18, 1901, $10,000 was appropriated for a Porto Rican exhibit at the Pan-American Exposition at Buffalo, N. Y., and on January 30 Messrs. J. T. Silva, J. Gomez Brioso, and George W. Fishback were appointed commissioners.

The work of the commission began on February 1. Subcommissions were immediately formed in the five judicial districts of the island and local commissions in the sixty-eight municipal districts, to the end that a complete canvass be made throughout the island.

Through the courtesy of the director-general of the Pan-American Exposition space was immediately reserved for the Porto Rican exhibit in the agricultural and horticultural buildings, and 2,000 square feet were assigned for the construction of the Porto Rican building in the midst of the buildings representing other countries and states.

The natural resources of the island will be fully represented, especial attention being paid to the three important crops of the island, viz, coffee, sugar, and tobacco. Specimens of all these will be displayed, and the process of making sugar by the most modern methods will be illustrated. Specimens of the many different kinds of vegetable foods that can be raised in the island will be exhibited, and all of the smaller industries which give occupation to so many people in the country districts will be given ample opportunity for display. One of the principal features of the Porto Rican exhibit will be the handsome handiwork of the women of Porto Rico in the way of drawn work, laces, and embroideries. The manufacture of fine hats from the leaves of the yarey palm will be given full representation.

It is intended to make a comprehensive display of the agricultural wealth of the island, showing the present methods of cultivation, the approximate production, and the natural resources of the land. In textile fibers, of which there is a plentiful native supply, there will be a full display of samples giving full information concerning them. The same may be said of oils, starch, and minerals.

Special effort has also been made to obtain two or three full collections of prehistoric relics, and a collection of stones of great value and some monographs of scientific interest.

The time being so short and the funds available so limited, the the exhibit will perhaps be less elaborate and satisfactory than otherwise would have been the case.

POLITICAL.

Since the advent of American occupation there have been two political parties in Porto Rico. They are styled, respectively, the Republican and the Federal. There have been ever since the days of the Spanish Republic under Castelar at least, if not longer, two or more and sometimes half a dozen parties or factions among these people, generally a Spanish and a native party and subdivisions or modifications of these. But since the Treaty of Paris, nearly if not quite all the inhabitants have grouped themselves into two parties only. Of these it is believed that the Federal claims to be the legitimate successor of the old "Liberal" party; but the Republican claims

to be an entirely new party, based on the new conditions, following modern lines of thought, and advocating living issues. However, a careful examination of the two platforms, while it develops a difference in phraseology reveals many points of great similarity, among which may be noted the following: Both announce their unqualified loyalty to the United States of America; and both desire a Territorial government, in the near future, and eventually full Statehood in the American Union; both favor universal suffrage, free schools, American money, and free trade with the United States, and both admire and commend the American judicial system. In all these points there is no great difference between them as far as appears in their platforms. The Federals, however, advocate local autonomy, the granting of large powers to the ayuntamientos, or city councils, of which there are 66 having an average territorial jurisdiction of about 56 square miles each; also the chartering of banks, and appeals to the laboring men, whose champion they claim to be. The Republicans announce themselves as the advocates of free speech and a free press; are opposed to the admission of foreign contract labor, and advocate the American system of taxation and the teaching of the English language in the public schools.

In the points of difference mentioned neither party assails or denounces the position of the other; but the respective platforms are silent on the points indicated. While they "point with pride" to certain favorite measures, they do not seem to "view with alarm" the policies advocated by their opponents. During the military régime some officer remarked that the principal issue between them appeared to be that one was in and the other was out. However, there can be no denying the fact that while the Republican party accepts the American control of the island in good faith, and gives a hearty support to the Administration, the same can not be candidly said of their political opponents.

Notwithstanding the lack of clear-cut issues between the parties, the bitterness of party spirit is manifested in a degree unheard of on the continent. It is a common thing for towns to be divided into hostile camps and members of one party not to have any kind of communication with members of the other. And the violence of the language used in some of the newspapers would in some of the States of the Union produce such scenes of bloodshed as would ripen into feuds lasting a lifetime. However, actual deeds of violence arising from political differences have been remarkably rare. The excitement generally ends in words. But occasional personal encounters and one or two riots have occurred arising solely or principally from political causes. During the interval between the adoption of the election order and the election day several small disturbances occurred at Cayey, Arecibo, Dorado, and other places. Yet the most serious infraction of public

order occurred in the capital city on the 14th day of September. Party spirit was very active and bad blood was heated to the boiling point. The leader of the Federal party was also the editor of its leading organ, called El Diario. The mayor of the city chanced to be a Republican and had been made the target for many arrows directed at him from the editorial quiver of the antagonistic archer. As the articles in the Diario increased in vituperation the excitement increased until a mob entered the printing office and pied the type. The obnoxious article was repeated next day. Then an anonymous circular was issued vowing vengeance on the editor if the insults were not discontinued. This circular declared that "Porto Rico should be American." But the vituperative article appeared in substance for the third time. About 7 o'clock that evening a mob of about 100 persons went to the newspaper office, pied the type, broke the furniture, destroyed the presses, and threw the fragments into the street. A few nights afterwards there was a row at the house of the editor. A pistol shot was heard, and at once a general firing occurred in various parts of the city. A large crowd collecting, for a few minutes there was an exchange of shots and the utmost excitement prevailed. About 300 shots were fired altogether. The municipal police becoming demoralized joined in the shooting, aimlessly and into the air, as most others did. One woman was accidentally and slightly wounded. Without further casualties order was at length restored, and half a dozen arrests followed.

The first official clash between the parties occurred very soon after the organization of the executive council, in the adoption of the report of the committee on rules. One of the Federal members made several motions to amend the report in such manner as materially to impair their efficiency. These motions received the support only of the mover and his political colleague. Next when the Federal plan for redistricting the island failed in the council on September 4 violent threats of resignation were made by the two minority members, which were carried out a few days later. This action was regretted by the insular administration, it being regarded as puerile for any faction, merely because it happens to be in the minority, to refuse all participation in public business and to withhold from the councils of the country its opinions and advice on important measures. However, the newspaper organ of the minority defended the acts of resignation by saying that the custom of withdrawing from a legislative body where members believe an injustice has been done them was well known throughout nations, and though not practiced in the United States, still as Porto Ricans they had a right to pursue a custom agreeable to themselves and comporting with their notions of dignity. No one thought of denying their rights in the matter; it was only the propriety and the policy of their action that was called into question.

During the registration of voters throughout the island both parties were active, although the better organization seemed to be with the Republicans, who were more alert, and had lists of their voters prepared to hand to the registers in order to facilitate their labors, whereas the Federals, while prodigal of oratory and printer's ink, had not, în many instances, made a close canvass of their voting strength. At the close of the preliminary registration the Republicans claimed a clear majority of over 4,000. Both parties continued active and at the close of the final registration, showing 123,140 voters in the island, the Republicans stilled claimed a majority. Both parties filed numerous protests (forty-eight) with the executive council, which were seldom specific and often frivolous.

The council had directed that all boards of registration and judges of election be as nearly nonpartisan as possible, but with three agents to register and act as judges and with almost no independents throughout the island, a purely nonpartisan system was unobtainable, provided Porto Ricans were to be put in responsible positions, as the council believed was proper whenever possible. The council did appoint an American as general supervisor of elections, and upon five district boards, consisting of three members each, five Americans were named, so that such boards consisted of one American, one Republican Porto Rican, and one Federal Porto Rican. These district boards, in turn, appointed the registration agents and the judges of election in each of the 219 precincts on the island. Out of 657 judges, 622 were Porto Ricans, and of 438 clerks, all but one or two were natives.

Between the first two days and the last day of registration the Federal party somewhat informally gave out an intention to withdraw from the contest, but the sincerity of this announcement was questioned by a great many people, and particularly by Republicans, who thought the announcement was made for the purpose of inducing inactivity on their part, so that the Federals might find their opponents unprepared, and in this way secure a majority of the final registration. The Federals, however, did afterwards announce that they intended to refrain from going to the polls, and in a communication addressed to the executive council on November 4, 1900, the president of the Federal party wrote as follows:

The Federal party, pursuant to a resolution passed by its executive committee, determines not to vote in the election of November 6, and withdraws the tickets which it had the honor to put forth. I communicate it to you officially as a representative of said committee, which was authorized by the assembly of September 1 to take such action. And such is taken because of the lack of protection for our right to vote and the manifest partiality of the council in favor of the Republican party.

The executive council ordered the communication filed. The ballots were all printed, and the law authorizes no withdrawal at such a late date.