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Direction was given that within the counties so designated persons supposed, upon creditable information, to be members of such unlawful combinations should be arrested by the military forces of the United States, and delivered to the marshal, to be dealt with according to law. In two of said counties, York and Spartanburg, many arrests have been made. At the last account, the number of persons thus arrested was one hundred and sixty-eight. Several hundred, whose criminality was ascertained to be of an inferior degree, were released for the present. These have generally made confessions of their guilt. Great caution has been exercised in making these arrests, and, notwithstanding the large number, it is believed that no innocent person is now in custody. The prisoners will be held for regular trial in the judicial tribunals of the United States.

As soon as it appeared that the authorities of the United States were about to take vigorous measures to enforce the law, many persons absconded, and there is good ground for supposing that all of such persons have violated the law. A full report of what has been done under this law will be submitted to Congress by the Attorney General.

In Utah there still remains a remnant of barbarism, repugnant to civilization, to decency, and to the laws of the United States. Territorial officers, however, have been found who are willing to perform their duty in a spirit of equity and with a due sense of the necessity of sustaining the majesty of the law. Neither polygamy nor any other violation of existing statutes will be permitted within the territory of the United States. It is not with the religion of the self-styled Saints that we are now dealing, but with their practices. They will be protected in the worship of God according to the dictates of their consciences, but they will not be permitted to violate the laws under the cloak of religion.

It may be advisable for Congress to consider what, in the execution of the laws against polygamy, is to be the status of plural wives and their offspring. The propriety of Congress passing an enabling act authorizing the territorial Legislature of Utah to legitimize all children born prior to a time fixed in the act might be justified by its humanity to these innocent children. This is a suggestion only, and not a recommendation.

The policy pursued toward the Indians has resulted favorably, so far as can be judged from the limited time during which it has been in operation. Through the exertions of the various societies of Christians to whom has been intrusted the execution of the policy, and the board of commissioners authorized by the law of April 10, 1869, many tribes of Indians have been induced to settle upon reservations, to cultivate the soil, to perform productive labor of various kinds, and to partially accept civilization. They are being cared for in such a way, it is hoped, as to induce those still pursuing their old habits of life to embrace the only opportunity which is left them to avoid extermination.

I recommend liberal appropriations to carry out the Indian peace policy, not only because it is humane, Christian like, and economical, but because it is right.

I recommend to your favorable consideration also the policy of granting a territorial government to the Indians in the Indian territory west of Arkansas and Missouri and south of Kansas. In doing so, every right guarantied to the Indian by treaty should be secured. Such a course might in time be the means of collecting most of the Indians now between the Missouri and the Pacific and south of the British possessions into one Territory or one State. The Secretary of the Interior has treated upon this subject at length, and I commend to you his suggestions.

I renew my recommendation that the public lands be regarded as a heritage to our children, to be disposed of only as required for occupation and to actual settlers. Those already granted have been in great part disposed of in such a way as to secure access to the balance by the hardy settler who may wish to avail himself of them, but caution should be exercised even in attaining so desirable an object.

Educational interests may well be served by the grant of the proceeds of the sale of public lands to settlers. I do not wish to be understood as recommending, in the least degree, a curtailment of what is being done by the General Government for the encouragement of education.

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More than six years having elapsed since the last hostile gun was fired between the armies then arrayed against each other-one for the perpetuation, the other for the destruction of the Union-it may well be considered whether it is not now time that the disabilities imposed by the fourteenth amendment should be removed. That amendment does not exclude the ballot, but only imposes the disability to hold offices upon certain classes. When the purity of the ballot is secure, majorities are sure to elect officers reflecting the views of the majority. I do not see the advantage or propriety of excluding men from office merely because they were, before the rebellion, of standing and character sufficient to be elected to positions requiring them to take oaths to support the Constitution, and admitting to eligibility those entertaining precisely the same views, but of less standing in their communities. It may be said that the former violated an oath, while the latter did not. The latter did not have it in their power to do so. If they had taken this oath it cannot be doubted they would have broken it as did the former class. If there are any great criminals, distinguished above all others for the part they took in opposition to the Government, they might, in the judgment of Congress, be excluded from such an amnesty.

This subject is submitted for your careful consideration.

The condition of the southern States is, unhappily, not such as all true patriotic citizens would like to see. Social ostracism for opinion's sake, personal violence or threats toward persons entertaining political views

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which would enforce this principle against all indorsers of persons for public place would insure great caution in making recommendations. A salutary lesson has been taught the careless and the dishonest public servant in the great number of prosecutions and convictions of the last two years.

It is gratifying to notice the favorable change which is taking place throughout the country in bringing to punishment those who have proven recreant to the trusts confided to them, and in elevating to public office none but those who possess the confidence of the honest and the vir

cpposed to those entertained by the majority of the old citizens, prevents immigration and the flow of much-needed capital into the States lately in rebellion. It will be a happy condition of the country when the old citizens of these States will take an interest in public affairs, promulgate ideas honestly entertained, vote for men representing their views, and tolerate the same freedom of expression and ballot in those entertaining different political convictions. The number of immigrants ignorant of our laws, habits, &c., coming into our country annually has become so great, and the impo-tuous, who, it will always be found, comprise the sitions practiced upon them so numerous and flagrant, that I suggest congressional action for their protection. It seems to me a fair subject of legislation by Congress. I cannot now state as fully as I desire the nature of the complaints made by immigrants of the treatment they receive, but will endeavor to do so during the session of Congress, particularly if the subject should receive your attention.

It has been the aim of the Administration to enforce honesty and efficiency in all public offices. Every public servant who has violated the trust placed in him has been proceeded against with all the rigor of the law. If bad men have secured places it has been the fault of the system established by law and custom for making appointments, or the fault of those who recommend for Government positions persons not sufficiently well known to them personally, or who give letters indorsing the characters of office-seekers without a proper sense of the grave responsibility which such a course devolves upon them. A civil service reform which can correct this abuse is much desired. In mercantile pursuits, the business man who gives a letter of recommendation to a friend, to enable him to obtain credit from a stranger, is regarded as morally responsible for the integrity of his friend, and his ability to meet his obligations. A reformatory law

majority of the community in which they live. In my message to Congress one year ago I urgently recommended a reform in the civil service of the country. In conformity with that recommendation, Congress, in the ninth section of “An act making appropriations for sundry civil expenses of the Government, and for other purposes," approved March 3, 1871, gave the necessary authority to the Executive to inaugurate a civil service reform, and placed upon him the responsibility of doing so. Under the authority of said act I convened a board of gentlemen, eminently qualified for the work, to devise rules and regulations to effect the needed reform. Their labors are not yet complete, but it is believed that they will succeed in devising a plan that can be adopted to the great relief of the Executive, the heads of Departments, and members of Congress, aud which will redound to the true interest of the public service. At all events, the experiment shall have a fair trial.

I have thus hastily summed up the operations of the Government during the last year, and made such suggestions as occur to me to be proper for your consideration. I submit them with a confidence that your combined action will be wise, statesmanlike, and in the best interests of the whole country. U. S. GRANT.

V.

PRESIDENT GRANT'S SPECIAL MESSAGES.

[For President Grant's special messages on increasing American commerce, the ratifi cation of the treaty with San Domingo, and respecting Cuban affairs, and for his proclamation against the Fenian invasion of Canada, see McPherson's History of Reconstruction, page 540 to 544. For his special message on the ratification of the fifteenth amendment, see same volume, page 545. For his order respecting wages and hours of lahor, see same volume, page 421.]

Relative to a Territorial Government for

the Indians, January 30, 1871.

To the Senate and House of Representatives: I transmit herewith an official copy of the proceedings of the council of Indian tribes

held at Ocmulgee, in December last, which resulted in the adoption of a declaration of rights and a constitution for their government, together with a copy of the report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, and the views of the Secretary of the Interior thereon.

It would seem highly desirable that the civilized Indians of the country should be encouraged in establishing for themselves forms of territorial government compatible with the Constitution of the United States and with the previous custom toward communities lying outside of State limits.

I concur in the views expressed by the Secretary of the Interior, that it would not be advisable to receive the new territory with the constitution precisely as it is now framed.

So long as a territorial form of government is preserved, Congress should hold the power

of approving or disapproving of all legislative and free people under a single Government action of the Territory; and the Executive must tend to make Governments what alone should, with "the advice and consent of the they should be, the representatives of the Senate," have the power to appoint the Gov- will and the organization of the power of the ernor and judicial officers (and possibly some people. others) of the Territory.

This is the first indication of the aborigines desiring to adopt our form of government, and it is highly desirable that they become self-sustaining, self-relying, christianized, and civilized. If successful in this their first attempt at territorial government, we may hope for a gradual concentration of other Indians in the new Territory. I therefore recommend as close an adherence to their wishes as is consistent with safety.

It might be well to limit the appointment of all territorial officials appointed by the Executive to native citizens of the Territory. If any exception is made to this rule, I would recommend that it should be limited to the judiciary.

It is confidently hoped that the policy now being pursued toward the Indian will fit him for self government, and make him desire to settle among people of his own race, where he can enjoy the full privileges of civil and enlightened government.

U. S. GRANT.

The adoption in Europe of the American system of union, under the control and direc tion of a free people, educated to self-restraint, cannot fail to extend popular institutions and to enlarge the peaceful influence of American ideas.

The relations of the United States with Germany are intimate and cordial; the commercial intercourse between the two countries is extensive, and is increasing from year to year; and the large number of citizens and residents in the United States of German extraction, and the continued flow of emigration thence to this country, have produced an intimacy of personal and political intercourse approaching, if not equal, to that with the country from which the founders of our Government derived their origin.

The extent of these interests, and the greatness of the German union, seem to require that in the classification of the representatives of this Government to foreign Powers there should no longer be an apparent undervaluation of the importance of the German mission, such as is made in the difference between the com

Relative to the Union of the States of pensation allowed by law to the minister to

Germany, February 7, 1871.

To the Senate and House of Representatives: The union of the States of Germany into a form of government similar in many respects to that of the American Union is an event that cannot fail to touch deeply the sympathies of the people of the United States.

This union has been brought about by the long-continued, persistent efforts of the people, with the deliberate approval of the governments and people of twenty-four of the German States, through their regularly-constituted representatives.

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Germany and those to Great Britain and France. There would seem to be a great propriety in placing the representative of this that of its representatives at London and Paris. Government at Berlin on the same footing with The union of the several States of Germany under one Government, and the increasing commercial and personal intercourse between the two countries, will also add to the labors and the responsibilities of the legation.

I therefore recommend that the salaries of

the minister and of the secretary of legation at Berlin be respectively increased to the same

amounts as are allowed to those at London and at Paris. U. S. GRANT.

On the Test-Oath, February 15, 1871.

In it the American people see an attempt to reproduce in Europe some of the best features of our own Constitution, with such modifications as the history and condition of Germany seem to require. The local governments of To the Senate and House of Representatives : the several members of the union are pre- I have this day transmitted to the Senate served, while the powers conferred upon the the announcement that Senate bill No. 218, chief impart strength for the purposes of self-“An act prescribing an oath of office to defense, without authority to enter upon wars of conquest and ambition.

The cherished aspiration for national unity, which for ages has inspired the many millions of people speaking the same language, inhabiting a contiguous and compact territory, but unnaturally separated and divided by dynastic jealousies and the ambition of short-sighted rulers, has been attained; and Germany now contains a population of about thirty-four millions, united, like our own, under one Government for its relations with other Powers, but retaining in its several members the right and power of control of their local interests, habits, and instructions. The bringing of great masses of thoughtful

be taken by persons who participated in the late rebellion, but who are not disqualified from holding office by the fourteenth amend ment to the Constitution of the United States," has become a law in the manner prescribed by the Constitution, without the signature of the President.

If this were a bill for the repeal of the "test oath" required of persons elected or appointed to offices of honor or trust," it would meet my approval. The effect of the law, however, is to relieve from taking a prescribed oath all those persons whom it was intended to exclude from such offices, and to require it from all others. By this law the soldier who fought and bied for his country is

to swear to his loyalty before assuming official functions, while the general who commanded hosts for the overthrow of his Government is admitted to place without it. I cannot affix my name to a law which discriminates against the upholder of his Government.

I believe, however, that it is not wise policy to keep from office by an oath those who are not disqualified by the Constitution and who are the choice of legal voters; but, while relieving them from an oath which they cannot take, I recommend the release also of those to whom the oath has no application.

U. S. GRANT.

On the Condition of the lately Insurrectionary States, March 23, 1871.

extend over the entire continent as rapidly as other peoples might desire to bring themselves under our protection. I believed further that we should not permit any independent Government within the limits of North America to pass from a condition of independence to one of ownership or protection under a European Power.

Soon after my inauguration as President, I was waited upon by an agent of President Baez with a proposition to annex the republic of San Domingo to the United States. This gentleman represented the capacity of the island, the desire of the people, and their character and habits, about as they have been described by the commissioners, whose report accompanies this message. He stated further that, being weak in numbers and poor in purse, they were not capable of developing their great resources; that the people had no incentive to industry on account of lack of protection for their accumulations; and that, if not accepted by the United States-with institutions which they loved above those of any other nation-they would be compelled to seek protection elsewhere. To these statements I made no reply, and gave no indication of what I thought of the proposition. In the course of time I was waited upon by a second gentleman from San Domingo, who made the same representations, and who was received in like manner.

To the Senate and House of Representatives: A condition of affairs now exists in some States of the Union rendering life and property insecure and the carrying of the mails and the collection of the revenue dangerous. The proof that such a condition of affairs exists in some localities is now before the Senate. That the power to correct these evils is beyond the control of the State authorities I do not doubt; that the power of the Executive of the United States, acting within the limits of existing laws, is sufficient for present emergencies, is not clear. Therefore, I urgently recommend such legislation as in the In view of the facts which had been laid bejudgment of Congress shall effectually secure fore me, and with an earnest desire to mainlife, liberty, and property, and the enforce- tain the "Monroe doctrine," I believed that ment of law in all parts of the United States. I would be derelict in my duty if I did not It may be expedient to provide that such law take measures to ascertain the exact wish of as shall be passed in pursuance of this recom- the Government and inhabitants of the repubmendation shall expire at the end of the next lic of San Domingo in regard to annexation, session of Congress. There is no other sub- and communicate the information to the peoject upon which I would recommend legisla-ple of the United States. Under the attendtion during the present Congress.

U. S. GRANT.

Transmitting the Report of the Commissioners appointed to Visit San Domingo, April 5, 1871.

To the Senate and House of Representatives: I have the honor to submit here with to the two Houses of Congress the report of the commissioners appointed in pursuance of joint resolution approved January 12, 1871.

It will be observed that this report more than sustains all that I have heretofore said in regard to the productiveness and healthfulness of the republic of San Domingo, of the unanimity of the people for annexation to the United States, and of their peaceable character. It is due to the public, as it certainly is to myself, that I should here give all the circumstances which first led to the negotiation of a treaty for the annexation of the republic of San Domingo to the United States.

When I accepted the arduous and responsible position which I now hold, I did not dream of instituting any steps for the acquisition of insular possessions. I believed, however, that our institutions were broad enough to

ing circumstances I felt that if I turned a deaf ear to this appeal I might, in the future, be justly charged with a flagrant neglect of the welfare of a downtrodden race praying for public interests and an utter disregard of the the blessings of a free and strong Government, and for protection in the enjoyment of the fruits of their own industry.

Those opponents of annexation who have heretofore professed to be preeminently the friends of the rights of man I believed would be my most violent assailants if I neglected so clear a duty. Accordingly, after having appointed a commissioner to visit the island, who declined on account of sickness, I selected a second gentleman, in whose capacity, judgment, and integrity I had, and have yet, the most unbounded confidence.

He visited San Domingo, not to secure or hasten annexation, but, unprejudiced and unbiased, to learn all the facts about the Government, the people, and the resources of that republic. He went certainly as well prepared to make an unfavorable report as a favorable one, if the facts warranted it. His report fully corroborated the views of previous commissioners, and upon its receipt I felt that a sense of duty and a due regard for our great national interests required me to negotiate a

treaty for the acquisition of the republic of San Domingo.

As soon as it became publicly known that such a treaty had been negotiated, the attention of the country was occupied with allegations calculated to prejudice the merits of the case, and with aspersions upon those whose duty had connected them with it. Amid the public excitement thus created the treaty failed to receive the requisite two-thirds vote of the Senate, and was rejected; but whether the action of that body was based wholly upon the merits of the treaty, or might not have been, in some degree, influenced by such unfounded allegations, could not be known by the people, because the debates of the Senate in secret session are not published.

the next session of Congress the people will have considered the subject and formed an intelligent opinion concerning it; to which opinion, deliberately made up, it will be the duty of every department of the Government to give heed, and no one will more cheerfully conform to it than myself. It is not only the theory of our Constitution that the will of the people, constitutionally expressed, is the supreme law, but I have ever believed that "all men are wiser than any one man ;" and if the people, upon a full presentation of the facts, shall decide that the annexation of the republic is not desirable, every department of the Government ought to acquiesce in that decision.

In again submitting to Congess a subject upon which public sentiment has been divided, and which has been made the occasion of acrimonious debates in Congress, as well as of unjust aspersions elsewhere, I may, I trust, be indulged in a single remark.

Under these circumstances I deemed it due to the office which I hold, and due to the char acter of the agents who had been charged with the investigation, that such proceedings should be had as would enable the people to know the truth. A commission was therefore con- No man could hope to perform duties so stituted, under authority of Congress, con- delicate and responsible as pertain to the pressisting of gentlemen selected with special ref-idential office without sometimes incurring the erence to their high character and capacity for the laborious work intrusted to them, who were instructed to visit the spot and report upon the facts. Other eminent citizens were requested to accompany the commission in order that the people might have the benefit of their views. Students of science and correspondents of the press, without regard to political opinions, were invited to join the expedition, and their numbers were limited only by the capacity of the vessel.

hostility of those who deem their opinions and wishes treated with insufficient consideration; and he who undertakes to conduct the affairs of a great Government as a faithful public servant, if sustained by the approval of his own conscience, may rely with confidence upon the candor and intelligence of a free people, whose best interests he has striven to subserve, and can bear with patience the censure of disappointed men.

U. S. GRANT.

Transmitting the Report of the Civil Service Commission, December 19, 1871.

In accordance with the act of Congress ap

The mere rejection by the Senate of a treaty negotiated by the President only indicates a difference of opinion between two coördinate departments of the Government, without touching the character or wounding the pride To the Senate and House of Representatives: of either. But when such rejection takes place simultaneously with charges openly made of corruption on the part of the Presi-proved March 4, 1871, I convened a commisdent, or those employed by him, the case is different. Indeed, in such case the honor of the nation demands investigation. This has been accomplished by the report of the commissioners here with transmitted, and which fully vindicates the purity of the motives and action of those who represented the United States in the negotiation.

sion of eminent gentlemen to devise rules and regulations for the purpose of reforming the civil service. Their labors are now complete, and I transmit herewith their report, together with the rules which they recommend for my action. These rules have been adopted, and will go into effect on the 1st day of January, 1872.

And now my task is finished, and with it Under the law referred to, as I interpret it, ends all personal solicitude upon the subject. the authority is already invested in the ExecMy duty being done, yours begins; and Iutive to enforce these regulations, with full gladly hand over the whole matter to the judg. power to abridge, alter, or amend them at his ment of the American people, and of their option, when changes may be deemed advisarepresentatives in Congress assembled. The ble. These views, together with the report of facts will now be spread before the country, the commissioners, are submitted for your and a decision rendered by that tribunal whose convictions so seldom err, and against whose will I have no policy to enforce. My opinion remains unchanged; indeed, it is confirmed by the report that the interests of our country and of San Domingo alike invite the annexation of that republic.

In view of the difference of opinion upon this subject, I suggest that no action be taken at the present session beyond the printing and general dissemination of the report. Before

careful consideration as to whether further legislation may be necessary in order to carry out an effective and beneficial civil service reform.

If left to me, without further congressional action, the rules prescribed by the commission, under the reservation already mentioned, will be faithfully executed; but they are not binding, without further legislation, upon my successors.

Being desirous of bringing this subject to

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