clamatory...

He always went to the pith of questions.

As a politician he was masterful in leadership— so much so that, alike by friends and foes, he was credited with reducing its practices to a fine art. He was . . known as the 'director' of the famous 'Albany Regency' which for so many years controlled the politics of New York, and . . . 'the Little Magician' from the deftness of his touch in politics. But, combining the statesman's foresight with the politician's tact, he showed his sagacity rather by seeking a majority for his views than by following the views of a majority."

In the debate on the exclusion of Abolition literature from the mails, Senator Webster opposed the bill, saying that under it even the Constitution might be debarred.

It thrusts upon the harassed postmasters the duty of acting as judges, and judging correctly, under penalty, upon whether a publication is forbidden by the laws of the slave States, with all of which the act expects him to be conversant.

The bill conflicts with that provision of the Constitution which prohibits Congress from passing any law to abridge the freedom of the press, for circulation through the mails is a part of publication. It supplies a base from which to proceed to suppress all publications, religious as well as political, which may produce excitement in the States.

A copy of a newspaper is the property of its consignee. How, then, can any man burn that property without due form of law? How can the entire issue be pronounced an unlawful publication without a legal trial? In England and France, where the right of printing and publishing is secured to the fullest extent, the proper course is pursued: the individual publisher is permitted to publish what he pleases on peril of being amenable to the laws for any specific injury which he may inflict thereby.

According to his custom of seizing every opportunity that afforded to present his views on the constitutionality of State rights, Senator Calhoun had presented, with the committee's report, a minority report which was a dissertation of this character. He attained his object by provoking much discussion over the thrashedout question of Nullification, which he was always eager to justify, and over the more pertinent issue of the right of the slave States to have their internal peace protected by the Federal government compelling the free States to suppress the Abolition movement at its sources within their borders.

John P.King [Ga.], 'a jurist of the soundest principles, spoke for the majority of the committee against Calhoun's report, declaring that its principles were not only inconsistent with the bill recommended, but with the existence of the Union itself, which, if they were established, would thereby be terminated.

In reply, Calhoun resorted to his favorite threat of Nullification.

Let it be riveted in every Southern mind that the laws of the slaveholding States for the protection of their domestic institutions are paramount to the laws of the general government in regulation of commerce and the mail, and that the latter must yield in event of conflict; and that, if the government should refuse, the States have a right to interpose, and we are safe.

'King had been a judge before entering the Senate, where he served one term-from 1833 to 1837. He was strongly opposed to Nullification.

CHAPTER VI

THE MEXICAN WAR1

The Republic of Texas-The Oregon Boundary-"Fifty-four Forty or Fight"-Sketch of William Allen [O.], Coiner of the SloganDebates on the Annexation of Texas: in Favor, Senator Benton and Representative Charles J. Ingersoll [Pa.]-Sketch of IngersollDebate in the Senate on War-Making Power of Congress: in Favor, George McDuffie[S.C.]; Opposed, John J. Crittenden [Ky.]-Election of James K. Polk [Tenn.] as President-Sketch of Polk-Debate in the Senate on Notice to Great Britain Terminating Joint Occupancy of Oregon: in Favor, Mr. Allen, Edward A. Hannegan [Ind.]— Sketch of Hannegan-Debate in the House on Admission of Texas into the Union: in Favor, Stephen A. Douglas [Ill.]; Opposed, Julius Rockwell [Mass.]—Sketches of the Debaters-Debate in the Senate: in Favor, John M. Berrien [Ga.]; Opposed, Mr. WebsterSketch of Berrien-The Act of War with Mexico-President Polk Declares it was Done by Mexico-Opposition to the War by Representative Joshua R. Giddings [O.], Senator Thomas Corwin [O.], Representative Abraham Lincoln [Ill.]-Sketches of the Debaters-Treaty of Peace with Mexico-The Gadsden Purchase.

'EXAS, a province of Mexico which excluded slavery

TEXAS,

from its dominions, was settled largely by immigrants from the slave States who were desirous of introducing this "domestic institution," and, to this end, of having the province annexed by the United States. In 1827 and 1829 the American Secretaries of State, Clay and Van Buren, had made cash offers for it to Mexico, $1,000,000. in the former case, and $5,000,000. in the 'Including the associated debates on the Oregon Boundary.

latter, but these were refused. Thereupon a movement for independence began among the settlers, and on March 4, 1836, they declared the province a Republic. This they virtually established on the 10th of April at the battle of San Jacinto, where, under General Samuel Houston they captured Santa Anna, the Mexican commander, who obtained his freedom by signing a treaty acknowledging Texan independence—which, however, the Mexican government repudiated. The United States recognized the Republic in March, 1837, thus giving Mexico a cause of grievance against our country. From this time until December, 1845, when it was accomplished, the annexation of Texas was a political issue in the United States which divided the country, the South favoring, and the North opposing it, since the Republic had admitted slavery. An annexation treaty was concluded on April 12, 1844, by Secretary of State Calhoun, but was rejected by the Senate, 16 ayes to 35 nays, because it fixed the southern boundary of Texas at the Rio Grande instead of the Rio Neuces, the boundary claimed by Mexico, and hence would involve the countries in war over the intervening territory, an event which later occurred when the annexation was made on the same terms.

While the question was in suspense the Texan authorities, in order to hasten annexation, distributed through the Southern States vast quantities of land warrants, and appealed to Southern statesmen to make the treaty by suggesting that a number of new slave States could be carved out of the territory, and that these would preserve between the sections the balance of power, which was inclining toward the North in the admission of free States.

The two great issues of the Presidential contest of

1844 between Polk and Clay were the Oregon Boundary and the Annexation of Texas. Both the Democratic and Whig platforms demanded "the whole of Oregon.

The Oregon Boundary. The Webster-Ashburton Treaty of August, 1842,' fixed the northeastern boundary of the United States by mutual concessions, but left unsettled the northwestern. The several thousand American settlers of the Oregon country, chiefly furtraders, were anxious to secure the entire Pacific region northward to the Russian occupation, 54 degrees, 50 minutes north latitude.2

British immigrants, shepherds and farmers, were hurrying into the disputed region, and Parliament had extended the criminal laws of Great Britain to the very confines of Missouri and Arkansas. Accordingly a bill was passed by the Senate on February 3, 1843, asserting title of the United States to the contested territory, and extending our laws thereto, and providing for military defense of our claims. 3

The bill went to the House, where it was referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations, which presented an adverse report, and no action was taken on the bill during the session.

Calhoun was appointed Secretary of State by Presi1 See page 126.

2 Senator William Allen [O.], coined the slogan of their demand, "Fifty-four forty or fight." He was a lawyer, who, after a term in Congress (1833-35) became Senator in 1837, and served until 1849. He was Governor of Ohio from 1874 to 1876, at which time his uncompromising Democracy, which led him to endeavor to lead back his party to Jacksonian principles, gave him the sobriquet of "Rise up William Allen," in parody of a popular poem, "Rise up, William Riley, and come along with me," altered in this manner by Arthur A. Hill, an Ohio journalist, in an account of Allen's nomination.

For the debate on this bill see Great Debates in American History, vol. ii., chapter xi.