and myself to see him in the morning, and meet again at three o'clock P. M. the next day.

Conversed

January 12.-Met General Franklin at General Meigs's. with him on the subject of our mission at his own house. I expressed my views to General Meigs, who agreed with me in the main as to concentrating our efforts against the enemy in front by moving against him from our present position. As to the time in which he could assemble water transportation for thirty thousand men, he thought in about from four to six weeks.

Met at the President's. General Meigs mentioned the time in which he could assemble transports as a month to six weeks. The general subject of operations from the present base was again discussed, General Meigs agreeing that it was best to do so, and to concentrate our forces for the purpose. The President and Mr. Seward said that General McClellan had been out to see the President, and was looking quite well; and that now, as he was able to assume the charge of the army, the President would drop any further proceedings with us. The general drift of the conversation was as to the propriety of moving the army further South, and as to the destination of Burnside's expedition. The Postmaster-General said that if it was the intention to fight out here (Manassas), then we ought to concentrate. It was suggested and urged somewhat on the President to countermand, or to have General McClellan countermand, General Burnside's expedition, and bring it up to Acquia. The President was, however, exceedingly averse from interfering, saying he disliked exceedingly to stop a thing long since planned, just as it was ready to strike. Nothing was done but to appoint another meeting the next day at 11 o'clock, when we were to meet General McClellan, and again discuss the question of the movement to be made, &c., &c.

January 13, Monday.-Went to the President's with the Secretary of the Treasury. Present, the President, Governor Chase, Governor Seward, Postmaster-General, General McClellan, General Meigs, General. Franklin, and myself, and I think the Assistant Secretary of War. The President, pointing to a map, asked me to go over the plan I had before spoken to him of. He, at the same time, made a brief explanation of how he came to bring General Franklin and General McDowell before him. I mentioned, in as brief terms as possible, what General Franklin and I had done under the President's order, what our investigations had been directed upon, and what were our conclusions, giving as nearly as I could the substance of the paper hereto annexed, marked (B), referring to going to the front from our present base in the way I have herein before stated, referring also to a transfer of a part of the army to another base further south; that we had been informed that the latter movement could not be commenced under a month to six weeks, and that a movement to the front could be undertaken in all of the present week. General Franklin dissented only as to the time I mentioned for beginning operations in the front, not thinking we could get the roads in order by that time. I added, commence operations in all of the week, to which he assented.

I concluded my remarks by saying something apologetic in explanation of the position in which we were, to which General McClellan replied somewhat coldly, if not curtly: "You are entitled to have any opinion you please!" No discussion was entered into by him whatever, the above being the only remark he made.

General Franklin said, that, in giving his opinion as to going to York River, he did it knowing it was in the direction of General McClellan's plans.

I said that I had acted entirely in the dark.

General Meigs spoke of his agency in having us called in by the Presi dent.

The President then asked what and when any thing could be done, again going over somewhat the same ground he had done with General Franklin and myself.

General McClellan said the case was so clear a blind man could see it, and then spoke of the difficulty of ascertaining what force he could count upon; that he did not know whether he could let General Butler go to Ship Island, or whether he could re-enforce General Burnside. Much conversation ensued, of rather a general character, as to the discrepancy between the number of men paid for and the number effective.

The Secretary of the Treasury then put a direct question to General McClellan, to the effect as to what he intended doing with his army, and when he intended doing it. After a long silence, General McClellan answered that the movement in Kentucky was to precede any one from this place, and that that movement might now be forced. That he had directed General Buell, if he could not hire wagons for his transportation, that he must take them. After another pause, he said he must say he was very unwilling to develop his plans, always believing that in military matters the fewer persons who were knowing to them the better; that he would tell them if he was ordered to do so. The President then asked him if he had counted upon any particular time; he did not ask what that time was, but had he in his own mind any particular time fixed, when a movement could be commenced. He replied he had. "Then," rejoined the President, "I will adjourn this meeting.'

EXHIBIT A.

Memoranda on which to base an opinion, required by the President, as to when the Army of the Potomac can assume offensive operations.

The time of moving depends on whether the army is in whole, or in great part, to be removed by water to another base of operations to the south; or, whether it is to move against the enemy now immediately in its front. General Franklin favored the first, and I inclined to the second. Inquiries were directed in each case.

1st. If the base is to be changed to York River, as has been suggested, the advance would have to be accompanied by a fleet with heavy guns, to silence the batteries in York River and the works at its head, and to keep the river from being obstructed as is the Potomac at this time.

To organize such a fleet I should think would require more time than the present state of affairs would permit.

To land the force this side of York River with a view to turn the head of it at West Point would require additional land transportation, and a heavy additional item for the means to pass the rivers (perhaps in face of an enemy) between the point of debarkation and Richmond, which is supposed as the objective point in such a campaign.

As Richmond is fortified, a siege train and materials would be required. In considering the quantity of land transportation required to move on Richmond from any point of debarkation this side of York River, it should be kept in mind that at this season in this climate the roads are heavy; and, when used by large trains of artillery or baggage, impassable, unless corduroyed, and, as the army could not move on only one road, to make several would take time, which would be improved by the enemy to mass forces in the front. It would be difficult, if not impossible, to conceal from the enemy our point of landing; and he is at this time expecting us at York, where he has already a considerable force, and to which, from

Richmond, he has a railroad upon which to bring re-enforcements, and a railroad communication to Acquia Creek and his main force at Manassas. It would therefore be necessary to land, in the first place, with a heavy force, to avoid the disaster of being overwhelmed and driven into the bay.

The Chief of the Quartermaster's Department at the head-quarters of the Army of the Potomac, Brigadier-Ġeneral Van Vliet estimates that with every exertion, and taking canal-boats, brigs, &c., &c., to be found in the waters of the Chesapeake and Delaware, he could assemble transportation, for thirty thousand men, in about twenty days from the time he should receive the order. Nothing is on hand save what is in currezt use here on the Potomac. The above estimate does not include any land transportation for the troops after their debarkation, nor any for the horses of the cavalry, but only for the troops and their baggage and subsistence.

The Assistant Secretary of War, I understand, is of opinion that all the available means of water transportation would be fully taxed to provide for even twelve thousand men.

In view of the difficulties mentioned, and unforeseen delays, always sure to happen, I do not think a move by water of so large a force as I deem necessary could be counted upon under a month.

To move against the enemy in front, we have thirteen divisions, of about ten thousand men each, and General Banks's Division at Frederick.

There is for this force four thousand four hundred wagons ready for service.

If we use the railroads out of Alexandria, and connect them over the Long Bridge with the Baltimore Railroad, about two thousand of these wagons and ten thousand animals may be dispensed with, certainly for the present.

Of artillery there is sufficient (three hundred and fifty pieces).

Of artillery ammunition there is sufficient to begin with, good for all but New York regiments. Twelve thousand three hundred and forty new Austrian and fifteen to twenty thousand rifles in New York; ammunition for the latter, none for the former.

Small-arms ammunition sufficient to commence with.

Siege train-ten ten-inch mortars, with ammunition; five thirty-twopound howitzers, with troops.

Shelter tents and stretchers, forty-three thousand.

From the foregoing it seems to me the army should be ready to move in all of next week. The main difficulty, I think, is in its yet incomplete organization, which could soon be remedied.

(Signed)

January 10, 1862.

I. MODOWELL, Brigadier-General.

TO GENERAL M'CLELLAN.

President Lincoln addressed the following letter to General McClellan after the latter had landed his forces on the Peninsula in the spring of 1862. It relates to several points in which the General's action had already excited a good deal of public uneasiness, and been made the subject of public comment:

FORTRESS MONROE, May 9, 1862

MY DEAR SIR:-I have just assisted the Secretary of War in forming the part of a dispatch to you, relating to army corps, which aispatch,

of course, will have reached you long before this will. I wish to say a few words to you privately on this subject. I ordered the army corps organization not only on the unanimous opinion of the twelve generals of division, but also on the unanimous opinion of every military man I could get an opinion from, and every modern military book, yourself only excepted. Of course, I did not on my own judgment pretend to understand the subject. I now think it indispensable for you to know how your struggle against it is received in quarters which we cannot entirely disregard. It is looked upon as merely an effort to pamper one or two pets, and to persecute and degrade their supposed rivals. I have had no word from Sumner, Heintzelman, or Keyes. The commanders of these corps are of course the three highest officers with you, but I am constantly told that you have no consultation or communication with them; that you consult and communicate with nobody but Fitz John Porter, and perhaps General Franklin. I do not say these complaints are true or just; but, at all events, it is proper you should know of their existence. Do the commanders of corps disobey your orders in any thing?

When you relieved General Hamilton of his command the other day, you thereby lost the confidence of at least one of your best friends in the Senate. And here let me say, not as applicable to you personally, that Senators and Representatives speak of me in their places as they please without question; and that officers of the army must cease addressing insulting letters to them for taking no greater liberty with them. But to return, are you strong enough, even with my help, to set your foot upon the neck of Sumner, Heintzelman, and Keyes, all at once? This is a practical and very serious question for you.

Yours truly,

A. LINCOLN.

C.

WARNINGS AGAINST ASSASSINATION.

ALLUSION is made in the preceding pages to warnings which reached the Government at various times, of plots on foot against the lives of the President and other eminent officials. In reply to a letter of this kind from Hon. John Bigelow, then American Consul at Paris, Mr. Seward, the Secretary of State, wrote as follows:

DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON, July 15, 1864. * There is no doubt that, from a period anterior to the breaking out of the insurrection, plots and conspiracies for the purposes of assassination have been frequently formed and organized, and it is not unlikely that such a one as has been reported to you is now in agitation among the insurgents. If it be so, it need furnish no ground for anxiety. Assassination is not an American practice or habit, and one so vicious and so desperate cannot be engrafted into our political system. This conviction of mine has steadily gained strength since the civil war begun. Every day's experience confirms it. The President during the heated season occupies a country house near the Soldiers' Home, two or three miles from the city. He goes to and from that place on horseback night and morning unguarded. I go there unattended at all hours, by daylight and moonlight, by starlight, and without any light.

At a later date, very soon, indeed, before the assassination of the President and the horrible attempt upon his own life, Mr. Seward received the following communication from our consul in London. It was upon the strength of these letters that the consultation was held to which allusion is made in the preceding page:—

UNITED STATES CONSULATE, LONDON, March 17, 1865. MY DEAR SIR:-I herewith enclose for your perusal two private letters received this week from "B," my secret agent in France. On receiving the first, dated March 12th, I immediately wrote to him for a more full statement of all he knew about its contents. I stated to him that the story seemed very improbable; that if they intended to resort to such diabolical modes of warfare, they could find instruments enough near at hand to serve them in such a capacity, and have their work done or attempted more speedily than it could be by sending assassins from Europe; that the assassins would be sure to forfeit their own lives, &c. At the same time I could not shut out from my mind the idea that the starving of our prisoners, shooting and torturing them, the hotel burnings, the piracies, the hanging of Union men in the insurgent States, the murdering of prisoners of war in cold blood after surrendering, and their manifold acts of cruelty, rendered the purposes named not only probable, but in harmony with their character and acts. My letter brought the further explanation contained in the second letter of the 14th inst. You perceive the statement of B. rests on the declaration of or a man who now goes by that name. He is a business agent of the rebels, and has the confidence of the leaders to as great an extent perhaps as any one employed by them, or any one under their direction. He travels most of the time from place to place, giving directions and superintending the purchase and shipment of war material. B. has travelled much with him, and seems to have his entire confidence. I do not think would make such a revelation to B. unless he believed it well founded. If they are to come out openly as professional assassins, it is not at all probable that the distinguished persons named are the only ones selected for their vengeance, or that our Chief Magistrate, or General Grant, are left out of their rôle. The dangers they see to them in the calm forbearance, the inflexible justice and firm determination of President Lincoln, will not be overlooked by them.

According to my request, a full description of the man calling himself Clark is given in the second letter. Johnston is unknown to "B." If Clark has really set forth on such a mission, he will probably attempt to make his way into Sherman's camp as a private soldier, and attempt the deed during an engagement when Sherman is under fire.

Whether there is any actual foundation for what is set forth in the letters or not, I think it not my duty to withhold them, for fear it may be only another added to the thousand false rumors which have got into circulation. I send you all I have been able to learn on the subject, that you may act as you deem expedient in the case. Permit me to express my earnest desire, whatever may be the wish of the rebels in regard to you, and I dare say they are the worst that fiendish brains can entertain, that your valuable life may long be spared to your friends and the service of the Republic.

I remain, dear sir, most truly yours,

Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.

F. H. MORSE.

P. S.-Please regard B.'s letter as strictly confidential, I mean as far as the name of the writer is concerned.