and faithfully interpreting the sentiments of his nation and government, he will, on his part, contribute to the demonstration of grief and horror indicated by the honorable Mr. Burton, by hoisting at half-mast on the consulate general of the United States of Venezuela the flag of said republic.

The undersigned improves the occasion to reiterate to the honorable Mr. Burton the assurances of personal esteem with which he is his very obedient servant,

Hon. ALLAN A. BURTON,

LEON ECHEVERRIA,

Consul General of Venezuela.

Minister Resident of the United States of America, &c., &c.

:

[Translation.]

BOGOTA, June 20, 1865.

The undersigned, consul general of Chili, has had the honor to receive today the attentive note of the honorable Allan A. Burton, minister resident of the United States of America, by which he is pleased to announce the deplorable and unhappy news of the decease of the illustrious ABRAHAM LINCOLN, President of the United States of North America, on the morning of the 15th of April last.

The consul general of Chili partakes cordially and profoundly of the feelings that must have saddened the heart of the honorable Mr. Burton, by reason of the unfortunate event which has deprived his country of the important services which that enlightened man was lending to it, and by which he had won the sympathy and admiration of the civilized world. All humanity prostrates itself before the tomb of that martyr to duty and the rights of man, to offer to him the just and merited homage of their admiration, respect and gratitude.

The undersigned believes himself the faithful interpreter of the feelings of the Chilian government and people in affirming to the honorable Mr. Burton, that, bound by ties of close friendship with the great republic, they will look upon that never-to-be-sufficiently-deplored event as a great misfortune to a brother people, and that the loved and venerated memory of Mr. LINCOLN Will ever be associated with the most grateful and, at the same time, the most horrifying recollections.

For its part, this consulate general will perform the sad duty of raising the flag of Chili in the manner desired by his excellency, in commemoration of the mournful event which we all lament, and the undersigned also has the honor to offer personally to the honorable Mr. Burton the most sincere expression of his feelings.

The undersigned improves this occasion to renew to the honorable Allan A. Burton the assurances of the high esteem and respect with which he has the honor to subscribe himself his very obedient servant,

Hon. ALLAN A. Burton,

MANUEL ANTONIO CORDOVEZ.

Minister Resident of the United States of America, &c., &c.

[Translated from La Opinion, (Bogota,) June 7, 1865.]

ABRAHAM LINCOLN. BY HON. SALVADOR CAMACHO ROLDAN.

The name with which we head these lines will be one of the most famous which this century, fruitful in great men and great events, will transmit to the admiration and love of posterity. Of the many great men whom war, diplomacy, and politics have raised upon the wings of human passions, none will, perhaps, enjoy a history, a fame, so pure and imperishable as he who, controlling the turbulent waves of the most collossal civil war of modern times, preserved order with liberty, and maintained the integrity of a great republic, while the bonds of its society were being broken into atoms by the advent of a new civilization.

This will not be because history will present him brandishing a flaming sword over heaps of slain enemies, disposing in despotic councils of the fate of peoples, or erasing and changing the lines of territories; neither boldly putting his foot on the unchanged liberal spirit of his age; but because, as in all great revelations of truth to man, the divine spirit of a great idea incarnated itself in an humble being, and inspired him with the faith, the courage, and the perseverance to draw it safely from the agitated ocean through breakers, and in spite of hostile winds, to the port of safety and of triumph.

The greatness of Mr. LINCOLN consisted not so much in his talents, which were more solid than brilliant; nor in his education, which was neglected, as that of every man who, like him, is born and grows up in the bosom of poverty; neither in the sagacity of the politician nor the audacity of the tribune, or of the reformer; but in his manly good common sense, in the firmness of his character, in the instinctive sagacity with which he anticipated the genius and tendencies of his people, in his devoted patriotism, in his genial honesty, his guileless frankness, the serenity of his spirit, in his unequalled capacity to follow without ever losing sight of the thread of events, and to adapt his efforts to the magnitude and actual stage of the crisis, and to give to the cause of an abstract idea all the interest of enthusiasm and of passion; but above all, in raising himself from the narrow field of a local advocate to the immense field of

passions, conflicting interests and opinions, which was suddenly lighted up before him by the devouring conflagration of civil war.

What strife so gigantic as that in the United States? What men and what interests? What passions and what resources? The high, proud magnates of slavery with their two thousand millions' worth of human flesh, the pride of command from the cradle, with all the wealth that tobacco, sugar, and cotton could bring at their orders; a vast territory traversed by mountains and furrowed by great rivers, slavery and liberty, panting avarice and disinterested self-abnegation contending hand to hand; all the extraordinary discoveries of the second quarter of this century face to face with the barbarism of the past ages; the last legacy of the Old World disputing the way to the march of ideas of the New World; the soul of old Europe and the heart of virgin America, the past and the future, contending in a duel to the death on the grandest field on the face of the earth.

To raise within a few months, in a nation that had lost all their military habits from long uninterrupted peace, an army of seven hundred thousand men ; to increase a navy from forty to nearly a thousand vessels within three years; to obtain from a people accustomed to economy and yearly expenses of forty millions of dollars, resources to meet an expenditure of two millions and a half daily; to feel the before-hidden hate of despots now violently hissing in its face; to see ambition and treason spring up in its bosom, where before had been only submissive adoration of the people; to listen, amidst the general tumult, to the most discordant counsels; to face all these necessities, all these troubles, annoyances and dangers, and to march on, like Atlas, with the world on his shoulders, firm and full of faith to the last, was the task intrusted to and heroically performed by ABRAHAM LINCOLN and his ministers, those Titans, Seward, Chase, Stanton, and Welles.

From the beginning France and England wished to recognize the independence of the confederates, but they had to shrink before the boldness of Mr. LINCOLN, who, through Mr. Seward, announced that that recognition would be considered a declaration of war. The confederate privateers were armed and ready to sail from French and English ports, but at the potent voice of the American government they were seized and detained. It was necessary to effectively blockade a coast of 3,000 miles in extent; and the voice of Mr. Welles created and cast upon the waters 960 vessels, and covered the whole of that long line. It was necessary to spend $750,000,000 per year, and the wand of Mr. Chase found those millions, and the resources to pay their interest and to extinguish the principal within a few years.

There were not 50,000 muskets when the war began, nor 4,000 men in the ranks. The voice of Mr. Cameron first, and of Mr. Stanton afterwards, called together and organized more than 700,000 brave men, and made, in

American shops, more than 2,000,000 of fire-arms, thousands of cannon, mountains of ammunition, and other elements of war hardly to be calculated.

There were no generals. The penetrating sagacity of Mr. LINCOLN drew from obscurity McClellan, Grant, Sherman, Sheridan, Thomas, and many others. General Frémont, the idol of the northern masses, attempted to press the President forward on the road to emancipation; putting on the airs of a dictator, driving out in his magnificent carriage, drawn by four white horses, displaying the train of a prince in the heart of a republic, Mr. LINCOLN plucked off his plumes and stars, and removed him from the command of the West.

General Hunter, with extemporaneous zeal, declared the liberty of the slave early in 1862. Mr. LINCOLN revoked his proclamation and took away his command.

On the victorious field of Antietam General McClellan undertook to impose on the President a policy favorable to slavery. Mr. LINCOLN broke the sword of the presumptuous chieftain, and launched forth the proclamation of emancipation.

In addition to these we might refer to innumerable other examples of elevation and firmness of character indispensable to guide a country in the midst of civil war. To his firmness is due the absence of chiefs dangerous to order and liberty; that freedom to the slave should not have produced a servile war; that hatred and vengeance did not engender bloody retaliations, dangers so common, unfortunately, in the civil wars of Spanish America. No forced loans, brutal recruiting, or disorderly seizure of property, so demoralizing to the soldiery; none of those savage demonstrations of energy so common here. Nothing of this has been seen in the United States; neither have the federal authorities fomented political or moral ideas, or attempted to manufacture public opinion to its own ends-evils which, among us, follow in the track of revolutions as the foetid and unhealthy sediment follows the freshets in our rivers. With all this, the virtues of the people have, of course, had much to do; but not a little has depended on the high character of the leaders who have marked out the way and given the example to popular impulse.

It has been thought, mistakenly to our view, that Mr. LINCOLN was gifted with an invincible stubbornness in his purposes, and a blind fanaticism in his ideas. We have noticed, on the contrary, in studying the acts of this public. man, much moderation and a great inclination to conciliation. Although an abolitionist for many years before, his inaugural programme of 1861 offered all the guarantees to be desired by slavery, asking only that it should not be extended into the newly settled territories.

The emancipation of the slaves was not decreed until the measure became not only a wise means of securing their powerful assistance in the war, but also an irresistible exigence of popular opinion. When, in 1863, propositions of peace were talked of by the South, Mr. LINCOLN did not hesitate to declare

his willingness to submit the validity of the emancipation proclamation to the decision of the Supreme Court, and the approval or disapproval of Congress. It was only after so much blood had been shed that it cried to Heaven for recompense, that he judged the only price of this blood was the irrevocable, complete, and absolute extermination of slavery, and that ground alone he manifested a disposition not to yield.

The last phase of his public character, and which appeals most lively to our sympathy, was his magnanimity. The formidable and groundless insurrection, which had threatened to destroy the unity and force of the country, subdued, his first and only purpose was to reorganize the conquered territories, returning them their existence and their own governments, without retaining for a moment longer than necessary and just the discretionary power with which the rebellion had armed him. He never thought from the first of humbling and punishing, or of showing that healthy energy which is always the inevitable source of armed reaction. The stupid assassin, more stupid than his murderous bullet, without doubt did not think that, amidst the dangerous fermentation of passions which follows a day of victory over brethren, the surest guarantee of restoration and liberty to the South was the noble life of Mr. LINCOLN.

In the vulgar sense of human language, ABRAHAM LINCOLN was certainly not a great man. He had not the dazzling prestige of victorious achievements in war; he was not a conqueror of peoples and countries; he never enveloped his plans in the gloomy obscurity of mystery, dissimulation; he never took to himself the credit of results which followed from the inscrutable decrees of Providence; his voice had not the enchanting harmony of Demosthenes or Mirabeau, or of Clay; he was free from that satanic pride which, in others, supplies the want of true greatness. But he possessed something greater than all these, which all the splendors of earthly glory cannot equal. He was the instrument of God. The Divine Spirit, which in another day of regeneration took the form of an humble artisan of Galilee, had again clothed itself in the flesh and bones of a man of lowly birth and degree. That man was ABRAHAM LINCOLN, the liberator and savior of the great republic of modern times. That irresistible force, called an idea, seized upon an obscure and almost common man, burnt him with its holy fire, purified him in its crucible, and raised him to the apex of human greatness-even to being redeemer of a whole race of He whose boyhood was passed at the plough-handle in the then solitary prairies of Illinois; whose early manhood was dragged out in fatigue at the oar of a Mississippi flat-boat, and the only repose of whose maturer years was the noisy labors of the forum; that man was called to be the arbiter of the fate of his country-the great man of state, whose destiny it was to manage the rudder during the most frightful storm of this age. In the critical hour of trial and danger, all rested on him. Even the lines of his physiognomy, half grave,

men.