Magistrate, as well as of the audacious assault which has greatly perilled the lives of the Secretary and Assistant Secretary of State, and that we regard the taking of the life of our chief executive officer, while our country is passing through unparalleled trials, after all loyal Americans had learned to love him, and, with good men the world over, to confide in him, and when so much of national and individual welfare and happiness depended on his existence, as the great crime of the nineteenth century, memorable in its atrocity and entailing on its perpetrator the execration of mankind.

That we tender to Mrs. Lincoln our heartfelt sympathy and expressions of condolence in the great affliction that she and her family and the nation have sustained.

That in the long public career of Andrew Johnson, now President of the United States, the early and pre-eminent sacrifices he made from his devotion to the cause of the Union, and his pledges to maintain the great principles of human liberty, we have every assurance that he will faithfully prosecute to its final success the wise, humane, and statesmanlike, domestic and foreign policy of President LINCOLN.

That, as loyal Americans, we have witnessed with peculiar pleasure the expressions of indignation and sorrow throughout Great Britain at the assassination of President LINCOLN, and the cordial and hearty sympathy which has been extended by the people of this realm to the government and people of the United States in this great bereavement and public calamity.

That copies of these resolutions be transmitted to the President of the United States and to Mrs. Lincoln. R. HUNTING, Secretary.

[From the London Evening Star, May 2, 1865.]

THE ASSASSINATION OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.

Important meeting of Americans.

In accordance with an influentially signed requisition to Mr. Adams, the American ambassador, a public meeting of Americans, resident in London, was held yesterday at St. James's Hall, in order to give expression to their feelings respecting the late distressing intelligence from America. The hall presented the same singularly effective and sombre appearance as on the occasion of the great demonstration last Saturday evening, under the auspices of the Emancipation Society, the entire front of the balconies being draped with black cloth, bordered with white lace, and festooned with cord of the same hue, and the front of the upper gallery being tastefully decorated with three American flags grouped together, and whose drooping folds were looped with crape, while the staves of the wand-bearers were tipped with the same material. Although the

hour appointed (three o'clock) might be considered rather inconvenient, the attendance was very numerous. An hour before the time appointed the principal corridors leading to the hall were quite thronged with ladies and gentlemen waiting for admission, and soon after the doors were thrown open the spacious hall became comfortably filled. By the time appointed for commencing the proceedings the platform, which it is well known is of very large dimensions, presented quite a crowded appearance. Some few minutes after three o'clock Mr. Adams, accompanied by a large number of gentlemen, ascended the platform. His appearance was the signal for loud applause, and after taking the chair his excellency had several times to bow his acknowledgments. Among those present were Mr. Benjamin Moran, secretary of legation; Mr. Dennis R. Alward, assistant secretary of legation; Hon. F. H. Morse, United States consul, London; Mr. Joshua Nunn, deputy United States consul, London; Mr. G. H. Abbott, United States consul, Sheffield; Mr. H. Bergh, late United States secretary of legation. St. Petersburg; Lord Houghton, Alderman Salomons, Hon. A. Kinnaird, Hon. Lyulph Stanley, Mr. H. T. Parker, Mr. C. M. Fisher, Mr. James McHenry, Mr. Gerald Ralston, consul general of Liberia; Mr. T. B. Potter, M. P.; Mr. John Goddard, Dr. W. R. Ballard, Dr. J. R. Black, Mr. C. M. Lampson, Mr. J. S. Morgan, Mr. Russell Sturgis, Judge Winter, Dr. Howard, Mr. Mason Jones, Colonel J. S. Chester, Captain E. G. Tinker, Mr. Gilead A. Smith, Mr. B. F. Brown, Mr. Nathan Thompson, Dr. E. G. Ludlow, Mr. C. Coutoit, Mr. H. G. Somerby, Mr. Horatio Ward, Dr. W. Darling, Mr. John Brougham, Mr. Charles Button, Rev. Dr. Storr, Mr. W. R. Dempster, Mr. James Beal, Mr. Marshall Woody, Captain Tomkin, General Tom Thumb, Commodore Nutt. Rev. Cramond Kennedy, Mr. Henry Stevens, Dr. Fred. Robinson, Dr. C. R. Nicholl, Mr. George Ross, Captain Richardson, (San Francisco,) Rev. Daniel Bliss, Rev. E. L. Cleveland, Mr. C. F. Dennet, Mr. E. G. Coates, Mr. T. B. Hubbell, Mr. George Atkinson, Mr. Edmond Beales, Mr. R. Hunting, Mr. Bartlett, Mr. Osgood Field, Mr. Edward Thornton, Mr. John B. Stephenson, Mr. Levi Coffin, (Cincinnati, Ohio,) Mr. Stafford Allen, Mr. Peach, Mr. Massey, Mr. Phillips, (Wisconsin,) Mr. Westerton, Mr John H. Goodnow, United States consul at Constantinople, Mr. M. D. Conway, &c.

The chairman, on entering the hall, was received with most enthusiastic applause, which was repeated on his rising to address the meeting. Silence having been restored, he said:.

LADIES AND GENTLEMEN: I have been desired to call you together for the sake of giving some common form of expression to our emotions, stirred up as they have been by the late fearful calamity. In presence of such an awful event we are forcibly impressed, not merely with the commonplace idea of mortal vicissitude, but with the more solemn idea of keeping ourselves wholly free from the indulgence of any unworthy passion. The ordinary jars of human life are hushed before such a catastrophe. A great Virginian

statesman once said that "he trembled for his country when he reflected that God is just." The dreaded visitation appears to have come upon us in the third and fourth generation. Let us endeavor to bear ourselves with patience and humility. But while acknowledging our shortcomings, let us draw closer and closer together while we unite in one earnest wail of sorrow for our loss, for I may be permitted to observe that in this loss the bereavement is wholly our own. We are entirely to bear the responsibility of it. The man who has fallen was immolated for no act of his own. It may well be doubted whether, during his whole career, he ever made a single personal enemy. In this peculiarity he shone prominent among statesmen. No; he who perpetrated the crime had no narrow purpose. It was because ABRAHAM LINCOLN was a faithful exponent of the sentiments of a whole people that he was stricken down. The blow that was aimed at him was meant to fall home upon them. The ball that penetrated his brain was addressed to the heart of each and every one of us, It was a fancied short way of paralyzing the government which we have striven so hard to maintain. It was, then, for our cause that ABRAHAM LINCOLN died, and not his own. If he was called a tyrant who was elevated to his high post by the spontaneous voices of a greater number of men than had ever been given in any republic before, it is only because he was obeying the wishes of those who elected him. It is we who must stand responsible for his deeds. It is he who has paid the penalty for executing our will. Surely, then, this is the strongest of reasons why all of us should join, as with one voice, in a chorus of lamentation for his fall. It is one of the peculiar merits of Mr. LINCOLN that he knew how to give shape in action to the popular feelings as they developed themselves under his observation. He never sought to lead, but rather to follow, and thus he succeeded in the difficult task of successfully combining conservatism with progress. This surely was not like tyranny. His labor was always to improve. Hence it was that he conducted a war of unexampled magnitude, always bearing in mind the primary purpose for which it had been commenced, at the same time that he associated with it broader ones as the opportunity came. He had pledged himself at the outset to accomplish certain objects, and he never forgot that pledge. The time had at last arrived when he might honestly claim that it would be fulfilled. It was in that very moment he was taken away. On the very same day of the year when the national flag, which just four years before had been lowered to triumphant enemies at Fort Sumter, was once more lifted to its original position by the hand of the same officer who had suffered the indignity that commenced the war, ABRAHAM LINCOLN fell. His euthanasia is complete. For him we ought not to mourn. His work was done: he had fought the good fight; he had finished his course. The grief is all for ourselves alone. And now we who stand around his body may well cry, "Go "Go up, go up, with your gory temples twined with the evergreen symbols of a patriot's wreath, and bearing the double glory of a martyr's crown. Go up, while for

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us here remaining on earth your memory shall be garnered in the hearts of us and our latest posterity, in common with the priceless treasures heaped up by the great fathers of the republic, and close by that of the matchless Washington." But although we profoundly lament this loss, it must not be presumed that we do so having no hope. We have parted with a most faithful servant. But the nation has not lost with him one atom of the will which animated others of its servants as fully as it did him. It is one of the notable features of this great struggle that it is not particular men who have attempted to lead on the people, but rather that the people have first given the tone, to the level of which their servants must come up, or else sink out of sight and be forgotten. They have uniformly designated to them their wishes. To one man they have said "Come up," and to another, "Give way," and in either case they have been as implicitly obeyed. Whoever it be that is employed, the spirit that must animate him comes from a higher source. The cause of the country, then, does not depend on any man or any set of men. It has now called to the front the individual whom it had already elevated to the second post in the government. He had been pointed out for that place by a sense of his approved fidelity to the Union at the moment when all around him were faltering or falling away. In the national Senate he stood Abdiel-like, firm and determined in encountering with truth and force the fatal sophistry of Jefferson Davis and his associates, and in denouncing the course of action which was leading them to their ruin. Four years of intense and continued trials within the borders of his own State have been passed in the effort to reconstruct the edifice of civil government, which they had overthrown. No one has braved greater dangers to his person and to all that was held most precious to a man in this world than he. Those four years have not been passed without at once proving the firmness of his faith and the progressive nature of his ideas. He, too, has been susceptible to the influence of the national opinion. He, too, has gradually been brought to the conviction that slavery, which he once defended, has been our bane, and the cause of all our woe. And he, too, will follow his predecessor in making the recognition of the principle of human liberty the chief pathway to restoration. May be that he will color his policy with a little more of the sternness gathered from the severity of his own trials. He may give a greater prominence to the image of justice than to that of mercy in dealing with notorious offenders. But if he do, to whom is this change to be imputed? LINCOLN leaned to mercy, and he wa staken off. Johnson has not promoted himself. The magician who worked this change is the enemy himself. It would seem almost as if it were the will of Heaven which has interposed the possibility of this marvellous retribution. Yet, even if we make proper allowances for this difference, the great fact yet remains clear that Andrew Johnson, like his predecessor, will exert himself to the utmost of his power fully to re-establish in peace and harmony the beneficent system of government which

he has clearly hazarded so much to sustain. And should it happen that he, toowhich Heaven avert-should by some evil design be removed from the post now assigned to him, the effect would only be that the next man in the succession. prescribed by the public law, and inspired from the same common source, will be summoned to take his place. And so it would go on, if need be, in a line like that in Macbeth's vision, "stretching out to the crack of doom." The republic has but to command the services of any of her children, and whether to meet open danger in the field or the perils of the more crafty and desperate assassin, experience shows them equally ready to obey her call. So long as the heroic spirit animates her frame the requisite agents will not fail to execute her will. Any attempt to paralyze her by striking down more or less of them will only end, as every preceding design to injure her has ended, in disappointment and bitter despair. Let us, then, casting aside all needless apprehensions for the policy of our land, now concentrate our thoughts for the moment upon the magnitude of the offence which has deprived us of our beloved chief in the very moment of most interest to our cause, and let us draw together as one man in the tribute of our admiration of one of the purest, the most single-minded, and noble-hearted patriots that ever ruled over the people of any land.

The Hon. Mr. MORSE, in moving the first resolution, said: If he were to consult his own feelings, he should allow the resolution to pass in silence. To attempt to add anything to the atrocious crime which had brought them together was useless. All human language failed to make it clearer, or to convey any stronger impressions than the fact itself. Having expressed his profound sorrow at the fact, and his admiration of the noble character of the late President, he said there was this consolation-the lamentable event was calculated to hasten the coming of the day which the North and all who sympathized with their cause longed to see, namely, the restoration of the Union and the promulgation of liberty throughout the land. [Cheers.] This was not a fit time to go into the question of slavery, but they well remember the various stages through which Mr. LINCOLN had carried his country with the view to wipe out that black stain upon its banner. [Applause.] Now that the head of the state was dead, it was necessary to take a calm survey. What remained, now that LINCOLN was no more? LINCOLN was dead, but America was not-it still lived. [Applause.] This brought him to consider who were left behind to fill up the gap. First, as regarded President Johnson; of him he could speak from personal experience. Twenty-one years ago he entered the Congress of the United States with Andrew Johnson, who was then the representative of the State of Tennessee. He was on a committee with him, and sat three or four times a week with him perhaps for the space of two years, and he said here, that throughout the whole of that period, and for three or four years subsequently, during which time his acquaintance with Andrew Johnson continued, he never heard one word whispered against his fair fame. [Loud cheers] He never