for the well intended, but weak policy of "conciliation" that turned over the honestly chosen Governments of Louisiana and South Carolina to Nichols and Wade Hampton, and makes the South solid to-day for the Democratic Union Soldier of Gettysburg and the Wilderness, who has endorsed all the infamy that has followed, as well as the threats of these same rebels for the future, including the latest utterances of Jefferson Davis, that the "Confederacy still exists," by handing over his well tried sword, hilt foremost, to Wade Hampton and Boss Kelly, in the Cincinnati Convention.

HOW THE SOUTH WAS MADE SOLID.

The system of terrorism in Mississippi began in 1875, by a campaign of slaughter, deliberate murder, house-burning and abuse of women; stifling not only free speech on political topics, but all speech from the poor persecuted negro, even the wives and children who mourned the death of the husband and father murdered before their eyes.

The bloody history of that year in Mississippi, which I have now before me, is too shocking to repeat. It finds no parallel in history, Pagan, Mohammedan or Christian. No wonder that the brave and big-hearted Phil. Sheridan classed such wretches as assassins and banditti.

Dixon, himself a leading Democrat, for daring to be so independent as to differ with these shot gun, red-shirted night riders, was cruelly and brutally murdered at noonday, in the streets of Yazoo, and Barksdale, his cowardly murderer, was never even indicted for the crime. He was applauded for it by the Democratic newspapers of Mississippi, and by many outside of that State.

The story of the Chisholm massacre-the bloody tragedy involving the willful, deliberate and premeditated murder of a father, daughter and infant son, and the friend of another land, McLellan, who was trying to save the children—has been read at every fireside of the North. I will not attempt to repeat it here. I must not, however, deprive the reader of what the orator of the Empire State, and the orator of America, said of it less than a year ago in a speech that will favorably compare with the best efforts of Peel, O'Connell and Tom Corwin, the three greatest popular orators of modern times. In his great speech at Cooper Institute, on the night of the 21st of October last (1879), William M. Evarts thus gives the lessons from the Chisholm tragedy:

"It does not take much reasoning or much explanation to prove to the American people that this is the condition of the Southern suffrage. Some very pregnant and very instructive examples have occurred to show, as with a blaze of light, to the American people what the condition of the suffrage is. I do not allude to the murder of Chisholm for the tragic traits of that occurrence. I have

no desire to stir up your feelings to mutiny and rage by depicting the action of the little boy and the girl throwing their frail bodies forward as a shield to protect their father's breast from the murderous fire of twenty or thirty men. I ask

your attention to it as evidence of its political character, of its political features— as expressing the opinions of and being adopted by the community in which it was perpetrated. Chisholm said with his last breath, I die for my country, and because I would be a freeman and a Republican.' [Applause.]

"In time of war we are willing to die for our country, that we may be freemen and Republicans. The horrors of war and violence against the law we can endure, but the horrors of peace and the violence to the majesty of laws we cannot and we will not endure. [Great applause.] The North, just and patient, waited in order to see whether any movement would be made to punish that crime, and by the example of that punishment give security to other people down there who want to be freemen and Republicans. Two years passed without a trial. The trial has now been had. This law-abiding people always wait the result, and the result was that, with a just judge and a faithful prosecuting officer and a jury, the criminals were acquitted as having done nothing that the community wishes to see punished. And, strange to say, it is made a subject of some credit, as they think, to the community that the jury was not packed. If the jury had heen packed they might have said, 'That does not represent the sentiments of the vicinage, the people of the county or the people of the State.' But it was not packed; it was a fair representation of the character, the opinions, wishes and purposes of that community. And so it was; and how many men do you think. down there, can have a free suffrage-not when individual violence attacks them, but when that individual violence is not resisted, is not resented, is not punished by the laws or the people who administer the laws? Mark how this wicked-terrorism, that began by proscribing the opposite party, makes its progress to dia couraging, pursuing and punishing dissent and independence in the party itself. In Yazoo County a citizen that was crowned with honor for his persecution of Republicans that had received a silver pitcher from his grateful fellow-citizens for what he did for them in that direction-becomes an independent Democrat, and is slain because discords cannot be allowed in that party. And thus, step by step, wherever the law does not prevail, wherever reason and conscience and equality have their voice stifled, there is nothing left for that community but each progressive stage of terror, horror, sycophancy and abject submission, till at length the very bonds of the cohesion of society were threatened, and humanity that is trampled on finds no recourse but in a violent resistance-covering with horrors and with blood communities which have been so wicked as to foster violence, and which roll it as a sweet morsel under their tongues. [Applause.] "Now, in South Carolina, Mr. Brice was killed in trying to get up a Republican meeting. The man was tried. It is to be hoped he will be convicted, and it is said there is some assurance that it may turn out so if the Northern people don't express their sentiments too loudly on that subject. Well, the South Carolina gentlemen appear to wish to do good by stealth, and blush to find it fame. We will do everything in our power to assist them; but in the trials that the Government undertook to prosecute in South Carolina for interference with the Civil Rights bill-with that clause of the Constitution and the laws passed in pursuance of it which undertake to save people from proscription and violence on account of race, color or previous condition of servitude-the law was parried, convictions were prevented, and the power of the United States put at naught by the evidence which was true, too-that they were not denied these rights be

cause they were colored men, but because they were Republicans [applause]; and the Constitution and laws are powerless to prevent that harrying of Republicans, although it can prevent the harrying of colored men as colored men. Now the suffrage, gentlemen, as the life of our institutions, is not a mere deposit of votes. The suffrage is a live institution-it is a free and intelligent power in the country, it is the greatest educator of the people, it is the greatest conciliator of the people to obedience to the laws that a community ever had. What becomes of it in the Southern States? Are they being educated to freedom? Are they being conciliated to the laws by that method of suffrage? By no means. It is a substitution

of violence and of terror, and the suffrage decays. A dearth of free schools, a desuetude of free speech and the decay of free suffrage go hand in hand; and if these people will save their own suffrage from being subjugated by this dead mass of violent and despotic suffrage, they must stir themselves to see that free. schools, free speech and free suffrage shall pervade every corner of this land. [Applause.]

"The same reasons and arguments are used that were used to bind the slaveholders together against the freemen of the North-State rights that prevents legal interference, and State pride that won't tolerate discussion; and Mr. Toombs was right when he said that he would call the roll of his slaves on Bunker Hill. It is true that he could call the roll of his slaves on Bunker Hill as well as in their cabins in the South, and they would answer him as much in one place as in the other. So I warn you now that you do not allow the suffrage to be subjugated; for if it is subjugated in New York City, it will be in the other great cities of the land, and so, disunited and repressed, the people will have no voice to make the same kind of resistance to one subjugation that they made before. [Cheers.] It is not that I fear the triumph of this subjugation, but I deprecate the strife and the calamity of the struggle. We can bear and we can redress this evil, but we cannot submit to it. We cannot foster it and we cannot support it; and we might bear it with better patience if the people of this country had nothing to do but attend to these political questions. But we have a great many things to do. We have our manufactures, our agriculture, our commerce. have the fostering and advancement of enterprise, of religion, of civilization, and we have our place among the nations of the world if we will step forward and take it. [Applause.] And we do not intend to be kept forever from these pursuits by having forced upon us, in a clear sky, these thunderbolts and threatenings of danger in the Southern heavens. [Applause.] Look at the single State of Mississippi. It may not be worth our while to consider the ruin and disaster of this single State; but, gentlemen, a hot box may stop a whole train, and we do not intend that Mississippi shall act as a hot box to stop the progress of this nation." [Laughter and applause.]

We

Hear the states

"Now look on that picture and then on this." man and great lawyer talk and then witness the well paired twins, the demagogue and the murderer (The Herald speaking for Barksdale) exhibit themselves.

A REBEL'S SPEECH AT YAZOO.

SINGLETON, THE CONGRESSMAN, PUBLICLY APPLAUDS THE KILLING OF DIXON FOR POLITICAL CONVICTIONS-THE AUDIENCE WILD WITH DELIGHT.

By Telegraph to the Tribune.]

WASHINGTON, Nov. 3.-Two or three weeks ago the announcement was received in a private letter from Yazoo that Representative Singleton, of Mississippi, justified the murder of Dixon by Barksdale, in a speech at Yazoo on the 11th of October. Up to this time no report of the speech has been received here. Probably no report has been printed. The following from The Yazoo Herald, however, fully confirms the fact of the speech, and indicates that at Yazoo, at least, a defence of Dixon's murderers is esteemed a vindication of the Democratic party.

His defence of the people who participated in the affair which occurred here on the 25th of July last, was manly, just and complete; and at this point the building fairly shook with the earthquake shout of applause that greeted him. He had struck the popular heart on the right key and it responded with the music of sympathy and appreciation. His speech was an able and eloquent vindication of the Democratic party, and it carried conviction to the minds of all who heard it, that he was eminently worthy of the respect and confidence of the people.

Mr. Singleton is best known to fame by his declaration in Congress two years ago, that he held the allegiance due to the State of Mississippi higher than that due to the United States.

Mr. Singleton was followed, at the meeting, by Major Ethel Barksdale, namesake and uncle of the Dixon murderer, and next to Jefferson Davis the most prominent candidate for the United States Senate to succeed Senator Bruce. Just what Major Barksdale said of the Dixon murder is not reported. Its tenor may be gathered sufficiently from the following comment by The Yazoo Herald:

He blistered from head to foot the miserable slanderers who thought it not unworthy of themselves to fill the Northern Republican press with false accounts of the affair which happened here on the memorable July day, 1879, and of the character of the men who composed that mob, as they were pleased to style it, that met here for a purpose which the best people in the land now indorse since they have been put into possession of the real facts in the case. The applause that welled up from the body of the great audience at these words showed how much in sympathy they were with the speaker."

Well might Mr. Evarts, looking at the condition of the country, and the character of the men who were seeking to gain control of its government, conclude his eloquent and patriotic speech as he did, thus:

"NO DEMOCRATIC PARTY REALLY LEFT.

But really one must come to this conclusion, that there is no Democratic party at all; that the only party in this country--and I regret to say it—that has a united counsel, a unity of purpose, a unity of future plans of its existence, a reason for that existence, and a rational appeal to the country to continue it in power, is the Republican party. [Applause.] I regret this very much. I regret it, I say because there should always be two great parties, sincere, strenuous rivals in the effort to serve the country, and in their appeals to the support of the country. But there is no Democratic party. Solon Chase ran away with it in Maine, General Butler in Massachusetts, Kearney in California [laughter]; it is beaten in

Ohio [cheers]; it is divided in New York. [Renewed cheers.] Why, where is the Democratic party? The last sign of death is that it has not been able to stand, even with the cohesion of public plunder divided among its members. [Laughter.]

What are their principles? What do they profess? They do not intend even to have a Democratic candidate for the Presidency next year for the ensuing term. The only candidate, that is proposed is the one who has had the last term. [Laughter.] What do you think of carrying on a great country like this four years after 1880 on no more living, progressive, vivifying and exalting programme than that Fraud cannot be condoned' [laughter] after four years of meditation on that subject?

Now, when I remember the Democratic party as it used to be; when I remember how it defended the right of suffrage for the foreigner, for the poor, for the people; how it was ever the champion of its extension, of its protection; when I look upon what that party did for the country, and remember its brave face toward foreign nations and its willingness that the greatest power on earth should be engaged by us in war rather than that a poor sailor should be oppressed upon the high seas; and as I remember its stolid and cruel indifference to the oppression of millions of our countrymen on land, then I know what it has done for the name of free institutions; how it has enlarged our category; how it has maintained our flag; how it has done everything manfully-up to a certain point, however much others may have differed from them as to their duty to our country and their duty to humanity.

I may say, even in another sense, that there is no Democratic party. Why, look at their candidates! So unwilling are they to present themselves in their true character that they borrow flag candidates to run out at the masthead as decoys. The masked candidates conceal their front. They did not dare to make a headway in 1872, except under the mask of Horace Greely, and they must run up in Massachusetts the honored name of Charles Francis Adams; in New York they take from us Robinson and Bigelow; in Ohio, Ewing. Why, have they no loyal, pure men, that went through the war, shoulder to shoulder with Republicans, statesmen since the war, true to every principle of honor and generosity in politics? Why don't they put up some distinguished citizen that belongs to them to ask for the suffrages of their countrymen? It is because their heart will not allow them to do it; but they have got decoy flags that they can haul down, and masks that they can take off after the battle.

Now, gentlemen, when we contrast the Democratic party of the past with the Democratic party of the present, how does it stand the contrast? How tragic has been its fate! We are told in the Bible of the hard fate of a strong man who fled from a lion, and a bear met him, and he leaned his hand against a wall and a serpent stung him. As with this strong man so it is with the Democratic party. Fleeing from the lion of Northern loyalty it falls under the feet or into the embrace of the South, with its cruel claims, and leaning its hand against the strong wall of the Democracy of New York the serpent of Tildenism bit it [laughter]. I regret extremely that the claims of Southern statesmen and the estrangement of the Southern people, subjects so distasteful to a sober, satisfied and industrious people, should be forced again to the front. An earnest general concentration of public opinion over all the rest of the country must put down this agitation by