and must be purged. No sooner had this work begun than bitter and malignant attacks appeared in the columns of " "star-route organs on the President, the Attorney-General, the Postmaster-General, and whoever else was suspected of a disposition to promote clean, honest, and business-like methods. Swarms of contractors, their attorneys, and beneficiaries raised a deafening clamor, and made common cause against the Administration.

In the early part of April, fortified with facts and figures laboriously and carefully collated, Mr. Woodward and myself called on the President and exhibited a comparative statement of the most corruptly manipulated routes. He displayed great surprise, and wished to know if the figures had been verified by the records. He also added that he had been providentially saved from falling into a trap which had evidently been set for him, and seemed to be contemplating some peril which he had escaped. He asked whether the papers had been shown to the Attorney-General. I replied no, when he requested me to call with that official and Mr. Woodward the next day.

In conformity with his request we called the next afternoon and a lengthy consultation ensued. In answer to my suggestion as to whether it would not be wiser to institute civil suits for the recovery of the money obtained through dishonest contracts rather than to commence criminal proceedings against the implicated parties, he said "No." "One moment, Mr. President," said the Attorney-General; "consider whether or no the Postmaster General is not right. Before a final decision remember that these proceedings may strike men in high places; that they may result in changing a Republican majority in the United States Senate into a Democratic majority; that it may affect persons who claim that you are under personal obligations to them for services rendered during the last campaign-and one person in particular who as serts that without his management you could not have been elected. Look these facts squarely in the face before taking a final stand, for neither the Postmaster-General nor myself will know friend or foe in this matter." The President walked across the room, reflected a moment, and said, "No; I have sworn to execute the laws. Go ahead regardless of where or whom you hit. I direct you both not only to probe this ulcer to the bottom, but to cut it out." This closed the conversation. Shortly after the conference above referred to, ex-Senator Dorsey called on me at the Arlington Hotel, and, in the presence of Mr. Woodward, denounced Mr. Brady, the Second Assistant Postmaster-General, with great bitterness, and urged that he be immediately removed.

On the 19th of April, Inspector Woodward addressed me a communication strongly urging that the interests of the pending investigation and of the Department demanded the retirement of Thomas J. Brady from the office of Second Assistant Postmaster-General. The same evening Woodward and myself called upon the President, to whom I referred the letter. He at once directed Brady's dismissal. I explained to the President that Brady had previously told me that whenever his place was wanted his resignation was at the President's disposal; that my relations with the Second Assistant Postmaster-General, official and otherwise, had always been of a friendly character; that this was a most painful duty, and that I hoped he would allow me to ask for his resignation. He declined, and directed a letter prepared, which I signed, asking the President for Mr. Brady's instant removal. Early the next morning the President sent for me and said he had reflected on what I had urged, and, realizing my embarrassment, was willing I

should ask for Brady's resignation. I accordingly gave to the Second Assistant Postmaster-General the following letter:

April 29, 1881.

SIR: I am directed by the President to request your resignation of the office of Second Assistant Postmaster-General, to take effect immediately.

Very respectfully,

Hon. THOS. J. BRADY,

THOMAS L. JAMES,
Postmaster-General.

Second Assistant Postmaster-General, Washington, D. C.

Mr. Brady at once resigned. The position was subsequently filled by the appointment of Richard A. Elmer, of New York. About this time Mr. Woodward recommended that Mr. Gibson, on account of his knowledge of the star route cases and the immediate service he could render, should be retained by the Attorney-General. This was done. On the earnest appeal of Mr. Gibson, William A. Cook, esq., a member of the Washington bar, who had had large experience in criminal trials, was also retained. I was credibly informed that Mr. Cook had been tendered a large fee by the defense, but had declined. Simultaneously with the consideration of the star service, much attention was given to the steamboat service. A commission, consisting of B. K. Sharretts, one of the oldest and most successful of the inspectors; R. C. Jackson, division superintendent of railway mail service, and Henry R. Gibson, inspector, was sent to Memphis to investigate the river service converg ing at that point. Still another commission, consisting of John Jameson, assistant superintendent of railway mail service; Timothy Griffith, inspector, and L. M. Terrell, division superintendent railway mail service, proceeded to New Orleans for a similar purpose. The services rendered by these gentlemen were of positive advantage to the Department. In order that the work of cutting down unnecessary and extravagant service might be intelligently performed, and that a full and true understanding of the facts might be arrived at, a number of the oldest and most experienced inspectors were called to Washington for consultation. Several of the alleged fraudulent contracts were assigned, and they were ordered to make a thorough examination of each and to report exactly what they found. The Attorney-General, who was present, added that "an inspector generally brought back what he was sent to get, but that in this case they were sent for no such purpose; that both the Postmaster-General and himself would prefer that the service be found necessary and the charges of corruption unfounded; but what was most wanted were the facts just as they existed." The inspectors left that night, and renewed the labors already well begun on many of the routes in question.

The outcome is well known. Large and expensive increases were found to be unnecessary, and the methods by which they were worked up fraudulent. Many of the affidavits upon which enormous expeditions were based were shown to be rank perjuries. The "cases" of particular routes, as fast as made up, were submitted to me, and the service was in most cases ordered to be cut down. The aggregate reductions made in star service from March to June 30, 1881, were $655,832; in the steamboat service for same time, $289,009.

From the moment the table of the famous 93 star routes was given out, through the medium of the Associated Press, and the public, more fully informed by the startling array of supplemental facts and figures, began to realize the enormity of the offenses committed, Mr. Dorsey began to actively engage in efforts to shield himself, to bring the inves

tigation to naught, to disturb the relations of the President with his Cabinet, and to convince the country that "persecution" was the primary motive of the Department and the Administration. The most brazen effrontery and reckless prevarication were freely indulged in, despite the most direct and convincing documentary and oral evidences which abounded on every hand.

In the early part of June ex-Senator Powell Clayton, of Arkansas, called on me at the Department and said that he had been visited by Montford C. Rerdell, clerk and superintendent of the Dorsey combination, who, he said, desired to make a "clean breast" of his relations to exSenator Dorsey and the star-route contracts. I suggested that the Attorney-General was the proper person for Mr. Rerdell to see, but was informed that Mr. Rerdell preferred to see me. As he did not wish to visit the Department, I was asked if he could call at the Arlington, to which I replied, "Yes, I will see him, in company with a third person." Mr. Clayton came to the Arlington with Rerdell that night about 8 o'clock. Mr. Woodward came in shortly afterward. In course of the conversation, Rerdell evidently went further than it was originally his purpose to go. Many of his statements were substantiated by papers then produced. The following is substantially the statement as Mr. Rerdell made it. He said that he had come to the conclusion to make a clean breast of his connection with star-route contracts; that he was secretary to Mr. Dorsey, of Arkansas, while Dorsey was Senator; that he prepared the proposals; that they were sent in bulk to the West, and after being partially filled up were brought back to be executed; that after the proposals were accepted he attended to getting up influence, petitions, &c., for expedition, and after the contracts were expedited he managed the business of the combination, which consisted of S. W. Dorsey, John W. Dorsey, Miner, Peck, and Boone, the last named being frozen out to make room for Vaile. He showed me transcripts of the books, and said that during the Congressional investigation he shammed sickness for fear of being summoned before the Congressional committee. During the time of this feigned sickness a book was copied from the original, with the exception that the money charged in that book to the fictitious names of Smith and Jones was there entered under the head of profit and loss. Smith represented Brady, and Jones Turner, of the Contract Office. Brady received 33 per cent. as his share of the expedition for one year, and 50 per cent. of the remissions of the fines and deductions.

The next day Rerdell called upon the Attorney-General and made a similar statement to him. A day or so thereafter I met Rerdell on the night train for New York. He told me he was going over for the ledger of the accounts, which would verify what he had alleged, and which was in Dorsey's office in the Boreel building. The next morning I was met at Jersey City by Postmaster Pearson, of New York, and Inspector Newcomb. I requested Newcomb to "shadow" Rerdell. I left New York on my return that afternoon by the 3.40 train. Rerdell came back in the same car with me. He said he had the ledger, and showed me a package wrapped up in a newspaper which contained it; that he had met Dorsey, and had been charged by him with treachery; that he advised him to become a witness for the Government, and that after a stormy scene he left. When we arrived at Trenton, the conductor came in with a couple of telegrams, which he handed to Rerdell. Shortly afterward Rerdell gave them to me. The first one was a request from Dorsey for him to leave the train at Philadelphia and return to New York; the next was a piteous appeal, on account of Dorsey's wife

and children, to come back-that they must not quarrel. These dispatches were either signed Dorsey or S. W. Dorsey. Rerdell added that he was not going back; he was ticketed through, and was going through. He came to Washington with me; as he said there was a member of the star-route combination watching him, our conversation was limited. The report of Inspector Newcomb confirmed Rerdell's statement as to the places he visited in New York.

A few days later on ex-Senator Spencer reported that about 1 p. m. of Sunday, the 12th of June, while he was conversing in his room at the Everett House, New York City, with the Hon. S. B. Elkins, of New Mexico, Stephen W. Dorsey came in unannounced; that he (Dorsey) was terribly demoralized, smoked incessantly, and drank deeply; that he said his clerk (Rerdell) had "squealed" and betrayed him, and had shown his papers to the Postmaster-General and the Attorney-General and others; that he begged them both to help him, and made the most abject apologies for harsh things said of them in the past.

According to Mr. Spencer, Dorsey called at the Everett House again on Thursday evening, the 16th of June, but was then in a state of great exhilaration, asserting that everything was all right after all. Subsequently he exhibited to Mr. Spencer a long affidavit of Rerdell's, in which he recanted the statement previously made to Mr. Dorsey, explained that James W. Bosler, of Pennsylvania, had been on to Washington, gotten hold of Rerdell, had sat up all night with him, and extorted from him the affidavit in question.

On the last Monday of June I returned with President Garfield from Elberon to Washington. In the car between Baltimore and Washington he showed me a copy of the National Republican containing a bitter personal attack on him. He asked why Messrs. Cook and Gibson had been so slow, and requested me to see the Attorney General and call at the Executive Mansion with him that evening. On inquiry I found that that official was out of town, and so advised the President. On Wednesday he telegraphed me that if the Attorney-General was not in the city to bring up Mr. Cook. In the evening Mr. Cook, Mr. Woodward, and myself went to the White House. As we entered, the attendant said: "Go right upstairs to the Cabinet room; the President is there. As we started to go upstairs I asked: "Who is with him?" He replied: "Senator Dorsey and Colonel Ingersoll." We went into the Red Room, and I sent word to the President that we were there. He came in shortly, and I introduced Mr. Cook to the President. This was obviously the first time they had met. Colonel Cook explained what had been done by Mr. Gibson and himself. The President suggested that they were too slow; that they should be more earnest in their work, and that they should have the accused parties indicted and tried. Mr. Cook promised that no time should be lost. On rising to leave the room he said: Mr. President, you know I am a criminal lawyer, and that my associations are not always with angels. I hear a good deal about what is going on, and I feel that it is my duty to say, from knowledge which has come into my possession, that something dreadful is about to happen. I do not know what it is, but think I can learn during the coming week.

During June, July, and August picked inspectors continued their labors on the frontier. Early in August, from information of a creditable nature, I became satisfied that Thomas A. MacDevitt, of Philadelphia, if he would tell what he knew, might be made a valuable witness for the Government. I accordingly directed Inspector Woodward to go to Philadelphia and interview him. Mr. MacDevitt was not in the

city, but a week later he came to Washington and saw Mr. Woodward. I let it be known that wherever the ends of justice would be served by minor offenders telling the whole truth I would accept and act upon any recommendations which Mr. Woodward might make. I regarded it as important that the Government should enlist in its interest those of the lesser offenders whose services would be useful. MacDevitt's first statement was not satisfactory to the Attorney-General. A statement made a few days later was accepted. This evidence was regarded as valuable against the Salisbury combination.

Toward the close of August, at a meeting at the house of the Attorney General, at which Messrs. Woodward, Cook, and Gibson were also present, the question of additional counsel was discussed. The AttorneyGeneral said he had concluded to retain the Hon. Benjamin H. Brewster, and that he would retain any other person whom I would suggest. I asked that the Hon. George Bliss, ex-United States attorney for the southern district of New York, be retained. This was done.

The inspectors' reports on star routes were examined by Messrs. Woodward, Gibson, and Lyman as fast as they were received, and orders reducing the service were at once issued. The amount of the reductions by months was as follows: July, 1881, $384,397; August, $122,647; September, $111,056; October, $83,451; November, $145,327; December, $210,831.

The total amount of the reductions of star and steamboat service from March 1, 1881, to December 31, 1881, was $2,004,550. My connection with the Department closed on the 5th of January, 1882. It is proper that I should bear witness to the fidelity, energy, and intelligence with which I was supported by Inspector Woodward, Chief Clerk Van Wormer, Chief Clerk Lyman, and by Second Assistant Postmaster-General Elmer. Without their earnest co-operation, this great work, which placed the Department on a paying basis and paved the way for cheaper postage, could not have been performed; and so thoroughly and justly was their labor done that this great reduction was accomplished with very little friction, most of the complaints reaching the Department being evidently manufactured in the interest of the contractors. It is, perhaps, not improper for me to add that Mr. Bliss's action seemed to me to fully vindicate my choice in his selection. What I have said about these gentlemen connected with the Post-Office Department I also say about Mr. Gibson. Without the matter that he furnished the Government the investigation would have been delayed two or three months. In conclusion, I desire to say to the committee that I gladly avail myself of the opportunity afforded by their summons to present to them and to the public this statement of the essential facts of my connection with the star-route proceedings. I deem it due to the truth of history and a matter of justice to myself, and still more of justice to the memory of the late President Garfield. His conduct in the whole affair was honorable and courageous in a high degree, and was inspired by a lofty sense of the duties of his office. If he had taken a lower view of his obligations as Chief Magistrate and as an honest man, it is my firm belief that he would not have fallen a victim to the assassin's bullet.

Q. Have you a statement from any official report made to Congress, or to the President, of the action of the Department in reference to the 93 expedited routes to which you have referred in your testimony?-A. That may be found in the report of Mr. Gibson to the Attorney-General.

Q. You refer to the report made by Mr. A. M. Gibson to the Attorney