impression prevailed that the rendition of slaves to their masters was wrong, and the enforcement of the fugitive slave law met with strong opposition, while in the South those who expressed themselves condemnatory of slavery were subjected to indignities which even barbarism would hesitate to impose. Truth ever demands investigation, and error ever shuns it, consequently those who in the interest of slavery imposed restraint upon free speech virtually acknowledged they were endeavoring to uphold an institution intrinsically wrong. This moral despotism set up in the midst of the republic further exasperated the northern mind, the indignation becoming so unmanageable in some instances as to transcend the requirements of law and order.

As a result of the sectional feeling, conventions assembled in the different parts of the South ostensibly for commercial purposes, but in reality to plot treason against the general government. The church, for a long time involved in the controversy, in some of its branches, endeavored to maintain conservative ground, while others were torn asunder by the violence and antagonism of the contest. Southern clergymen, while preaching redemption from spiritual bondage, strangely insisted that the political bondage of the African, which imbruited both the soul and body of its victims, was a divine institution. Southern disunionists also endeavored to poison the public mind with the impression that the future triumph of the republican party would be a justifiable pretext for dissolving the Union. Said Jefferson Davis in a speech at Jackson, Miss.: "If an abolitionist be chosen president of the United States you will have presented to you the question whether you will permit the government to pass into the hands of your avowed and implacable enemies. Without pausing for an answer, I will state my own position to be that such a result would be a species of revolution by which the purposes of the government would be destroyed, and the observances of its mere forms entitled to no respect. In that event, in such manner as should be most expedient, I should deem it your duty to provide for your safety outside of the Union." Said the unscrupulous politician, W. L. Yancy: "The remedy of the south is in a diligent organization of her true men for prompt resistance to the next aggres sion. It must come in the nature of things. No additional party can save us; no sectional party can ever do it. But if we could do as our fathers did, organize committees of safety all over the cotton States, and it is only by these that we can hope for any effective movement. We shall fire the southern heart, instruct the southern mind, give courage to each and at the proper moment, by one organized concerted action, we can precipitate the cotton States into a revolution."

While the political horizon was assuming this alarming aspect the presidential contest of 1860 gave additional intensity to sectional excitement. The supporters of Mr. Breckenridge evinced the greatest hostility toward the republicans, and openly declared their determination never to submit to the government if it should pass into their hands. Formerly similar denunciations and threats caused the most serious alarm, but now they had become so common that in the fierce storms of political excitement that swept over the country they were little regarded. The protracted contest at length terminated in the election of Mr. Lincoln. It was

evident to all who were conversant with the progress of events that the supremacy which the south had so long maintained in the government was at an end. The southern malcontents must now either submit to republican rule or put in practice their oftrepeated threat to dissolve the Union. The latter alternative was chosen.

As the result of this election was flashed over the telegraph wires, it was hailed as a pretext for secession. The cities of the Gulf States were nightly illuminated, and preparations were immediately commenced for the coming conflict. Ignoring the moral sense of mankind, which had long since condemned slavery, they proposed to found a nation recognizing the absolute supremacy of the white man and the perpetual bondage of the negro. Long accustomed to the exercise of arbitrary power over the body and soul of the bondman, they had lost all sympathy for free institutions, and while ostensibly proposing to establish a republic, their ultimate object was doubtless the upbuilding of a monarchy. States and nations when subjected to great evils which the governing power refuses to rectify have the right of revolution, but the abettors of the present movement had no such justitification. The dominant party had come into power strictly within the pale of the constitution and law, and with a platform fully recognizing the right of each State to manage its domestic institutions in its own way. It is true the incoming president had given it as his opinion that the government could not remain permanently half slave and half free, but this was in view of the fact that natural law rendered the two conditions wholly incompatible, and not because he wished to make the civil law a disturbing element. On the contrary, he had said in a speech at Cincinnati the previous year, "I now assure you that I neither had nor now have any purpose in any way of interfering with the institution of slavery where it exists. I believe we have no power under the constitution of the United States, or rather under the form of government under which we live, to interfere with the institution of slavery or any other institution of our sister States."

But independent of grievances, the south maintained that the several States on entering the Union, reserved to themselves the right to secede from it whenever they deemed their interest rendered it expedient. In the north it was contended that the power, if not expressed, is implied in the fundamental law of all governments to protect and indefinitely prolong their existence that the framers of our constitution never intended to incorporate in it any provision for its destruction; that its checks and balances for preserving harmony in the different departments of government were designed to make it a mighty fabric capable of resisting the most adverse vicissitudes of coming time; that the doctrine of voluntary secession if admitted would disintegrate all existing governments, and reduce society to a chaos, that mankind, whether in an individual or corporate capacity, must therefore submit to just restraint in order to secure the beneficent ends contemplated by good government. It was contended moreover the States of Louisiana, Florida and Texas cost the general government between $200,000,000 and $300,000,000, and it was unreasonable to suppose that they could withdraw at pleasure after the obligation incurred by the expenditures of this vast sum of money, that a pri

mary object of their acquisition was to obtain control of the Mississippi, and the people of the northwest could never consent that it should flow hundreds of miles through foreign jurisdiction and thus be compelled to submit to the arbitrary imposition of duties upon their commerce.

When, however, the hour finally came for committing the overt act which should dismember the great republic, even the reckless conspirators, who had for years derided the warnings of statesmen, and stigmatized them as Union-savers, trembled in view of the consequences which must follow. The people especially, among whom there were many loyalists, hesitated to enter the yawning abyss, whose dark and angry depths the ken of human wisdom was unable to fathom. Some of their wisest and most patriotic leaders, till borne down by the tide of revolution, continually endeavored to avert the impending calamity.

Said A. H. Stephens in the Georgia convention pending the discussion of secession: "This step once taken can never be recalled, and all the baleful and withering consequences that will follow must rest on this convention for all coming time. When we and our posterity shall see our lovely land desolated by the demon of war which this act of yours will inevitably invite and call forth; when our green fields and waving harvests shall be trodden down by a murderous soldiery, and the fiery car of war sweeping over our land, our temples of justice laid in ashes, all the horrors and desolations of war upon us-who but this convention will be held responsible for it? and who but him who shall have given his vote for this unwise and ill-timed measure shall be held to a strict account by this suicidal act by the present generation, and probably cursed and execrated by posterity for all time, for the wide and desolating ruin that will inevitably follow this act you now propose to perpetrate ?"

At this critical period, pregnant with the unnumbered woes that aftewards befell the country, the representatives of Illinois in congress all united in condemning secession, and maintaing the right of coercion. Douglas, in his last speech before the distinguished body of which he was a member, remarked: "Sir, the word government means coercion. There can be no government without coercion. Coercion is the vital principle upon which all governments rest. Withdraw the right of coercion and you dissolve your government. If every man would do his duty and respect the rights of his neighbor there would be no necessity for government. The necessity of government is found to consist in the fact that some men will not do right unless forced. The object of all government is to coerce and compel every man to do his duty who would not otherwise perform it, and hence I do not subscribe to this doctrine that coercion is not to be used in a free government. It must be used in all governments, no matter what their form or what their principles." Mr. Trumbull, his colleague, in speaking of compromise said, if they wanted anything, let them go back to the Missouri compromise and stand by it. All agreed that congress had no right to interfere with slavery in the States; but he would never, by his vote, make one slave, and the people of the great Northwest would never consent by their act to estab lish slavery anywhere. He did not believe the constitution needed

amending, but was willing to vote a recommending to the States to make a proposal to call a convention to consider amendments.

During the interval of time from the election to the inauguration of Mr. Lincoln, the conspirators hurried forward their unhallowed scheme. The seven extreme Southern States adopted ordinances of secession, each declaring it had again resumed its place among the independent nations of the world, with full powers to declare war, establish commerce, contract alliances, and perform all other acts pertaining to independent States. In order to meet the fearful responsibilities thus incurred, they immediately seized a large number of the forts and arsenals within their limits, and invested the others with troops to enforce their submission. In many instances those in command basely betrayed the government that had educated and given them positions. Delegates from the several rebellious states assembled at Montgomery, Alabama, and organized a provisional government, adopting the constitution of the U. S., modified so as to suit treason and slavery, and electing Jefferson Davis president, and Alexander H. Stephens vice-president. Rumors in the meantime prevailed that armed rebels were about to march against the national capital, and Gen. Scott organized the militia of the District of Columbia, placed regulars in the navy yard, and adopted other precautionary measures to prevent an attack. Yet the president, while admitting that secession was treason and revolution, said that the federal government had no power to coerce into submission rebellious States. Even when the nation was crumbling into fragments, and an energetic effort might, to a great extent, have prevented the terrible ordeal of blood through which it subsequently passed, he pleaded for further concessions to its implacable enemies. Patriots all over the land had keenly felt the indignities and insults so defiantly perpetrated by rebels, whose arrogance, instead of being severely punished, only met with encouragement under the imbecile rule of Buchanan. It was, therefore, with no little auxiety and impatience that all looked forward to the incoming administration, hoping that those about to assume the reins of government would have the wisdom to comprehend the situation. of the country, and the courage to punish the traitors who were endeavoring to ruin it. On the 11th of February, 1861, the president-elect left his home in Springfield preparatory to assume the grave responsibility which devolved on him as chief magistrate of the nation now rent with civil feuds and upon the eve of a bloody war. A large number of his old friends assembled at the depot to bid him farewell, and express their sympathy in view of the perilous and momentous duties that awaited him. Said he:

"My friends, no one, not in my position, can appreciate the sadness I feel at this parting. To this people I owe all that I am. Here I have lived more than a quarter of a century, here my children were born, and here one of them lies buried. I know not how soon I will see you again. A duty devolves upon me which is perhaps greater than that which has rested upon any other man since the day of Washington. He would never have succeeded except for the aid of Divine Providence, on which he at all times relied. I feel that I cannot succeed without the same divine aid which sustained him. On the same Almighty Being I place my reliance for support, and I hope you, my triends, will pray that I may receive that divine assistance, without which I cannot succeed, but with which success is certain. Again I bid you all an affectionate farewell."

Hitherto he had maintained a quiet reserve respecting the momentous crisis in national affairs, but now as he journeyed toward the capital of the republic he found it impossible to longer remain silent. In all the principal cities through which he passed vast crowds assembled to greet him and listen to the brief speeches made in connection with the interchange of civilities. In these guarded utterances he did not commit himself to any definite line of policy save to express his intention to leave unmolested the institutions of the disaffected states, his devotion to the Union and his desire to maintain it without a resort to arms. The vast extent of the conspiracy was not yet fully understood, and he in common with a great many others still hoped for a peaceful solution of the difficulties. At Cincinnati he said

"Mr. Mayor and Fellow-citizens: I have spoken but once before this in Cincinnati. That was a year previous to the late presidential election. On that occasion, in a playful manner but with sincere words, I addressed much of what I said to the Kentuckians. I gave my opinion that we as republicans would ultimately beat them as democrats, but that they could postpone the result longer by nominating Senator Douglas for the presidency than in any other way. They did not in any true sense nominate Mr. Douglas, and the result has come certainly as soon as ever I expected. I told them how I expeeted they would be treated after they should be beaten, and I now wish to call their attention to what I then said. When beaten you perhaps will want to know what we will do with you. I will tell you so far as I am authorized to speak for the opposition. We mean to treat you as near as we possibly can as Washington, Jefferson and Madison treated you. We mean to leave you alone and in no way interfere with your institutions. We mean to recognize and bear in mind that you have as good hearts in your bosoms as other people, or as we claim to have, and treat you accordingly. Fellow-citizens

of Kentucky, brethren may I call you, in my new position I see no occasion and feel no inclination to retract a word from this. If it shall not be made good be assured the fault shall not be mine."

Arriving in New York he said:

"In my devotion to the Union I am behind no man in the nation, but I fear too great confidence may have been placed in my wisdom to preserve it. I am sure I bring a heart devoted to the work, and there is nothing that could ever induce me to consent willingly to the destruction of this Union, in which not only the great city of New York, but the whole country has acquired its greatness, unless it should be the object for which the Union itself was made. I understand that the ship was made for the carrying and preservation of the cargo, and so long as the ship is safe with the cargo it shall not be abandoned."

While thus speaking to large assemblies in different cities, rumors reached him that an attempt would be made to assassinate him on the way to the capital, or if he reached it an armed mob would assemble and prevent his inauguration. These reports were at first regarded with incredulity but when he reached Philadelphia he was warned by Gen. Scott that if he attempted to pass through Baltimore in the day time his life would be exposed to imminent danger. Acting on the advice of those who knew the extent of the danger and the vast importance of his reaching the seat of government in safety, he left his family at Harrisburg and proceeded in disguise on the night train to Washington. Had it been known that such malignity existed that such a crime was meditated against the life of him whose only cause of offense consisted in assuming the important responsibilities to which he had been constitutionally called by a majority of his countrymen,