not be dishonourable. Without hesitation, therefore, the latter was resolved on. At his own request, captain Falls with his mounted infantry led the attack. When at the distance of about eighty paces, he received the fire of the enemy's advance. Returning this with considerable effect, he rushed sword in hand into the midst of them, threw them into confusion, and forced them to fall back. Pressing his fortune with too much ardour, he received a ball through his breast, and fell dead from his horse. His party, however, undismayed by the loss of their leader, continued the action with great gallantry, until the foot advanced to their support, when the enemy was driven behind his breastwork. Here ensued a most murderous conflict. The whigs having so far levelled the obstruction as to render it passable, rushed over it, mingled with the enemy, and in many instances, grappled with them man to man. Every instrument and mean of death was now resorted to. The bullet, the sword, the rifle-but, and even the hatchet, with which some were provided, were abundantly employed. Rarely in any case, has blood been more inexorably, or by the same number of combatants, more prodigally shed. For a time the issue was doubtful. Pressed by superior numbers, the whigs were once compelled to give ground; some of them retreating across the breastwork. But resolutely bent on victory or death, they returned to the charge with such fierce impetuosity, and decisive effect, as bore down all resistance. The tories broke and fled in confusion, the whigs for some distance hanging on their rear, with terrible slaughter. Thus terminated an affair in which so many gallant spirits made their first, and too many of them, alas! their last essay in arms. In the course of it the whigs performed prodigies; and the royalists manifested a degree of resolution and valour worthy of a better cause. The latter lost in killed, wounded, and prisoners, upwards of six hundred men. The prisoners and wounded were paroled, and liberated on the field of battle. The numerical loss of the former was exceedingly heavy, nearly half of them being killed or wounded. But the actual loss, which consisted in the character, rather than the number of those that fell, was incalculable. On that fatal day, some of the choicest blood of the south was heroically offered on the altar of freedom. The death of captain Falls, in particular, was deeply lamented. In the ranks of his country he did not leave behind him a purer patriot, or a more gallant soldier. His son, a youth of fourteen, had accompanied him to battle. When the captain fell, this high minded stripling, moved by an instinctive impulse of affection, sprang from his horse to embrace the body, and protect it from insult. One of the enemy, believed to be the same that shot captain Falls, advancing with a view to plunder the corpse, the son, suddenly snatching the sword of the deceased, plunged it into the bosom of the marauder, and thus at once punished audacity, and nobly revenged his father's death. So deadly was the aim of the tory riflemen, at the commencement of the action, before the smoke of their own fire had obstructed their view, that many of them placed their balls in the lower end of the strips of paper, which the whigs wore over the crowns of their hats. Every shot of this description, passing through the brain, was instantly fatal. Address from the Pennsylvania Society for the Abolition of Slavery, &c. THE Pennsylvania Society for promoting the abolition of slavery, for the relief of free negroes unlawfully held in bondage, and for improving the condition of the African race, has been impelled by urgent considerations to lay the following representation before the public. The Society originated in a voluntary association, formed shortly after the passage of the Act of March 1st, 1780, for the gradual abolition of slavery. A law which, although it did not pursue the full development of natural rights set forth in our State constitution, has the merit of being the first legislative procedure in any nation, in favour of the unfortunate African, and of having laid a foundation on which reason, humanity and justice have since raised some valuable superstructures. Soon after this law was passed, it was perceived that its moderate and humane provisions would often be evaded-that the humble efforts of the unassisted black, to obtain the freedom to which he might be entitled, would too frequently fail and that the law would probably remain the empty ornament of our code, without yielding even the imperfect benefits it intended. It is in all cases a duty on citizens to enforce the laws of their country. If a law is inexpedient it should be repealed; but while it retains the character, it ought to be accompanied by the powers of a national rule of action. The Association, confining itself to this duty, had the satisfaction, as its principles became known, to find its numbers increase. The Legislature approved the course it pursued, and in the year 1789 an act was passed to incorporate it by the title it now bears. The venerable name of Franklin would not have been found in the list of its presidents, had not its principles possessed that tendency to public good which his superior mind enabled him so well to perceive, and his benevolent heart always led him to promote. With his name we unite those of James Pemberton, Benjamin Rush and Caspar Wistar, who successively occupied the same office, of all of whom it is barely justice to say that they would not have consented to fill a station inconsistent with the best interests of humanity. The first object enumerated in the corporate title was to promote the abolition of slavery, to convince the slaveholder of the injustice of this unnatural species of property which seems now to be generally reprobated in the abstract, but which in some other states has become practically interwoven in their systems. The climate and the soil; the moral, religious and political habits of Pennsylvania refute all pretence for the continuance of it among us. Public opinion slowly advancing has gradually reduced the number of our slaves, and the cooperation of time will soon efface the stain entirely. The second object was to procure the freedom of those who were unlawfully held in bondage. In this respect the efforts of the Society were expensive and laborious, and it is believed that no instance of unjust detention within the sphere of their powers came to their knowledge, without being made a subject of their care. This is at present chiefly confined to the endeavour to suppress the illegal and unjust attempts of a dishonourable class of men, who sometimes violently seize, or under false pretences arrest, by colour of law, free persons resident among us, and who are often detected in carrying through our state those whom they have purchased or stolen elsewhere, for the purpose of sale in the southern parts of the Union. The third object, the improvement of the condition of the African race is of extensive and increasing concern. The descendants of those who were brought into our country by force, and compelled to constant labour, with little attention to the cultivation of their minds, have a just claim upon us for instruction and assistance, to endeavour to render them more capable of encountering the difficulties of ignorance and poverty, and of becoming useful citi zens. One of the best modes of attaining this desirable object, at present, seems to be to attend to the education of their children. For this purpose schools have been instituted, and pains have been taken to induce the parents and friends to send their children to receive instruction. But in relation to all these objects, and particularly the last, the Society finds itself limited and restrained by inadequacy of funds. Were its means equal to its wishes, a general plan of competent education would be adopted, by which it would be in the power of every parent of the coloured race to give his child an opportunity of acquiring the art of reading, writing, and primary arithmetic. With this preparation it is proposed that the young men should be placed out to mechanic and agricultural employments, and it is hoped that on such a foundation they would be found able to support themselves, in a reputable and useful manner. In pursuit of these three great objects many of the meinbers of this Society have employed a great portion of their time, and individually incurred considerable expense; they have frequently met with opposition from the interested, the unfeeling and the uninformed; their intentions have been misinterpreted, their efforts resisted, and their characters traduced. Yet they have persevered, and conscious of the integrity of their motives and the obligations of their charter, they mean to persevere in promoting "the abolition of slavery" wherever it is found practicable; in "relieving free negroes unlawfully held "in bondage," wherever the fact comes within the sphere of their corporate powers and the law will afford relief, and in "improving the condition of the "African race" by extending the means of instruction, promoting industry, encouraging those who are bonest and laborious, and aiding when ne. cessary in the punishment or coercion of those who are incorrigibly depraved. This statement of our labors and our views, it is hoped will meet with the approbation of the community. But the finances of our Society, originally slender, have been reduced by the necessity of constant disbursements. A call for pecuniary assistance is generally unwelcome, yet it is hoped that on those who may concur with us in thinking that the system we have pursued is eventually conducive to national benefit, the call will not be made in vain. A committee appointed for the purpose will shortly wait on our fellow citizens, and those who are inclined, without further application, to transmit their donations to the treasurer, Thomas Shipley, will receive the thanks of the Society. By order of the Society. W. RAWLE, President. Attest-B. WILLIAMS, Secretary. Philadelphia, April 29, 1819. RUSSIAN NOVEL. [From La Minerve Francaise.] Morpha, or Novogorod subdued. An historical tale translated from the Russian of M. de Karamzin by A. Saint Hyppolyte. This tale is full of interest, and gives a curious account of the ancient manners of Russia; it has also the merit of presenting the picture of a people bravely struggling for their liberty, and opposing the energy of their enthusiasm against the stratagems of civilization and the advantage of military science. The author concludes by depicting the inhabitants of Novogorod, contented in submission and filling the air with their acclamations in favour of the prince who promises them, according to custom, peace, plenty and justice. The translator adds, in a note, that the race of Ivan is extinct and for several ages that of Romanoff occupies the throne. Despotism generally brings ruin on those who establish it, and we might say of them, in the words of the poet, Sic vos non vobis,' &e. |