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French army, and of those of the enemy as far as they were known; the different nations being discriminated by difference of colour. During the night, the map continued spread out on the table, with a compass and a number of candles. It was usual to place in the corners of the cabinet de travail tables for the secretaries, to one or another of whom the emperor was accustomed to dictate, while walking up and down the apartment in his morning-dress or in uniform. He dictated to one only at a time, but his words flowed with a rapidity which obliged his secretaries to use short-hand; and, when we add that his orders were in general brief, and directed only to a few general points, (leaving it to Berthier and others to give them the necessary extension,) we need not wonder that the conceptions of one mind supplied labour for a number of persons. His secretaries were sufficiently dextrous in the performance of their respective tasks, without being distinguished for originality of mind. His geographical assistant, or, to use the highsounding French phrase, le directeur du bureau topographique, [the director of the topographical department,] was a colonel Bacler d'Albe, an officer of considerable erudition and indefatigable application. The station was flattering: but it prevented him from being master of a moment's time when in the field, night and day being alike devoted to his duty: Bonaparte, when in expectation of important intelligence, was extremely restless, and often rose so early as two in the morning. His order then was, 'Appellez d'Albe; que tout le monde s'éveille;'-[call d'Albe; let every body be roused;] after which he proceeded to business, and continued engaged two hours or more, according to the exigency of the occasion. At times he was thus employed during the whole night, and instead of rest took the warm bath in the morning. Even in the hurry of a campaign, it was his rule to have diplomatic secretaries by his side; his fertile brain passing alternately from tactics to politics, and issuing instruction at one time for his ministers, at another for his marshals. His travelling carriage was so constructed as to admit of continuing in it the labours of the cabinet, being lighted from behind by a large lamp, while in the inside were drawers for despatches and reports. Opposite to his seat was a list of the towns through which he was about to pass; on the outside were four lamps; and the vehicle rolled rapidly on, drawn by six horses, and guided by two postillions. The carriage was, however, exchanged for a seat on horse-back whenever he arrived near the scene of operations, or had an object in acquiring a knowledge of the country. When the imperial suite rode out, Caulincourt was generally seen carrying a map fastened to his person, and ready to be unrolled when summoned by his master. The Russian campaign had caused, among other losses, a dreadful diminution of the maps and plans of the French Etat-major: but still, with regard to Saxony, they were at no loss for clear and circumstantial)

surveys.

In the evening, or, at an early hour in the morning, when Bonaparte found it necessary to remain in the open air, his attendants were accustomed to kindle a large fire; after which they retired to a short distance, and formed a circle, while their master either meditated his plans in solitary perambulation or conversed with a single officer. The imperial household may be said to have been divided into three parts;, the secretaries and aides-de-camp dining at one table, the officers of rank (Grands Officiers) at another, and their subordinates at a third. Bonaparte generally dined with Berthier or Murat only; the repast was frugal and expeditious; little diversified by conversation, but not unfrequently animated by the arrival of officers with despatches, who were admitted without delay, and their papers read aloud while dinner proceeded.'

The Mameluke, Roustan, was not, as it has been pretended, the depository of Napoleon's confidence, otherwise than as a personal attendant: but his open look had from the beginning given an assurance of his fidelity, and induced the emperor to make him his defender, particularly at night, for he generally slept near the entrance of his master's bed-room. Bonaparte was, at least in the campaign of 1813, by no means cautious in exposing his person, being frequently with the vanguard in situations where the firmness of the enemy's artillerists, in continuing their fire to the last, caused the fall of his attendants. It was thus on the day after the battle of Bautzen that Duroc was killed behind him, and that it became necessary (vol. i. p. 177.) to restrict the number of his suite, in order that they might not attract observation. When it was important to watch a movement, or to ascertain a point under the fire of the enemy, Bonaparte was accustomed to send away his horses, and to walk forwards accompanied by a page and one officer; after which he drew out his glass, placed it on the shoulder of his attendant, and made his survey of the ground and of the opposing force.

It has long been remarked that the French officers seem to have forgotten the characteristic politeness of their country, and to have changed into republican rudeness the courteous deportment of their predecessors: but to this deterioration Berthier formed a striking exception, since he never allowed himself to use a rude expression even in moments of urgent service. He and Murat were admitted to more familiar intercourse with their imperial master than the other officers. Bonaparte's temper was very unequal: at one time calm, at another much otherwise. One day in the beginning of September (1813), when fortune had begun to forsake him, and his troops had given way before the Prussians, he burst out into reproaches of general Sebastiani's division; alleging its inferiority to that of Latour-Maubourg, and saying aloud, 'Vous commandez de la canaille, et non pas des soldats.' [You command a mob, and not soldiers.] Sebastiani rejoined in a firm tone, 'Sire, je ne commande pas de canaille.' [Sire, I do not command a mob.] Macdonald, under whom the engagement had been fought, supported Sebastiani, and urged that the difficulties were such that the troops in question could not perform more. Caulin.

court then deemed it proper to order to a distance the officers in attendance, justly apprehending that these remarks were but a prelude to farther ebullitions.-This heat of temper was not unfrequently productive of inconvenience in the execution of Bonaparte's military measures.

He had himself planned all the additional fortifications of Dresden, had visited every position on foot or on horseback, and had made his way to almost inaccessible spots. I must add, however, that his orders were not always maturely weighed, and that they not unfrequently indicated the haste of a restless mind. A bridge of boats was formed above Pilnitz, without considering that the neighbouring mountains would give an enemy the means of commanding it; and I remember to have seen a redoubt at Dippodiswald, near Dresden, which it was necessary to demolish, and to construct another at the distance of several hundred paces.'

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M. D'Odeleben follows up these remarks by adding that Bonaparte's resentment was by no means inveterate, and that it was not unusual to hear those who attended him say, Croyez moi, il n'est pas méchant.' [Believe me, he is not malicious.] Colonel Bacler d'Albe, though exposed to perpetual sallies, retained a great veneration for him, and was very far from losing either patience with his temper, or confidence in his fortune, during the trying campaign of 1813. The enemy,' he said, are numerous, but they will not act with concert; they will lay themselves open on some side or the other, and the emperor will then strike a decisive blow.' The French, however quick in observing a particular feature in a character, are not well adapted to detect those qualities which it requires reflection to unravel; and Bonaparte had no scruple in practising the most gross artifices, such as that of going to mass every Sunday during his stay at Dresden, with as much gravity as if he had been a faithful son of the church. He was accustomed to visit a field of battle with great attention after the contest was over, no doubt with the view of calculating the force and penetrating the intentions of the enemy; but he embraced this opportunity of affecting great humanity to the wounded, and would make his officers dismount to succour those who yet showed signs of life.

No one knew better the method of kindling the enthusiasm of his troops, particularly when on the eve of some important engagement. The delivery of new colours to a regiment was with him a favourite occasion for such addresses; when the rule was to form the regiment into three sides of a square, leaving the fourth side open for the imperial suite. All the officers of the regiment were collected before Bonaparte; who, while the marshals and others in his train, were remarkable for their splendour of dress, appeared generally in a plain green uniform. The colours were then unfurled and the drums beat, till Berthier, or the first in rank of the marshals present, took the colours in his hand, and placed them before the officers of the regiment; when Bonaparte ha

rangued the whole in a solemn tone: 'Soldiers, I intrust to you the French eagle; let it serve you as a rallying point; swear never to abandon it but in death; swear never to suffer an affront to the French name.' The officers now lifted their swords, and all the soldiers cried in an enthusiastic voice,' Nous le jurons.' The eagle was then handed to the ensigns, and the regiment marched off the field.

During the dreadful bombardment of Dresden by the allies, 26th August (1813), when a number of the garrison had fallen, seven privates of the imperial guard sprang on the parapet at the call of their captain, and walked along its top with the greatest composure, amid a shower of balls. Their object was to restore the confidence of the battalions, and I regret to add that three of these intrepid warriors were the victims of their courage. How many thousands of the same gallant body have been since doomed to fall! This guard was almost the only corps in the French army that was distinguished for precision in exercise; the others, however dextrous in general movements, being inferior to German troops in the detail of evolutions.

No general was ever more accurate than Bonaparte in computation, or shone more in combining the movements of large bodies of men. The want of disposable cavalry, and the incursions to right and left, of the Cossacks, prevented him during the campaign of 1813, from obtaining accurate or extensive information: but this was in a great measure supplied by his incessant activity, and admirable justice of coup d'œil. M. D'Odeleben was near him towards the end of May, during a day in which his army, occupying an extensive line near Liegnitz, was obliged to advance with great caution. He observed Bonaparte riding from height to height, marking every village and position, and issuing from time to time his orders in a few words, but with such clearness that his adjutants never had occasion to wait for an explanation. The troops kept advancing in every part of the line, and the spectator, on withdrawing his eye but for a moment, was sure to perceive some change in the moving scene when he renewed his observation:-an eminence had been occupied, a battery had been erected, or a fresh column had come in sight.

Battle of Leipsic. (18th October.)-M. D'Odeleben was present at this dreadful conflict, the heat of which was most felt at the village of Probsteyde, where Murat, Victor, and Augereau were stationed. Bonaparte, being early apprised that the allies were advancing in this direction in powerful bodies, reinforced his troops, and proceeded to the neighbourhood of the spot, placing himself on an eminence beside a wind-mill. Macdonald and Lauriston, with their respective troops, were added to the French on this side, and the fighting became general; the smoke from the cannon obscured the atmosphere for a while, but afterwards disappeared, and the whole scene was laid open to view. The French, notwithstanding all their fatigues and privations, fought with sur

prising firmness, particularly when under the eye of Bonaparte. Poniatowsky had been raised two days before to the rank of marshal, and justified that high honour by defending a most important station with a body of Polish infantry, which was soon reduced to 5,000, and eventually to 2,700 men. The old guard manœuvred in the rear, and supplied incessant reinforcements to replenish the blanks in the line. Probsteyde was repeatedly carried by the allies, and as often retaken by their opponents: but this was not decisive: the allied artillery was numerous and well served; it occupied the adjacent eminences, and spread havoc throughout the French ranks. While all this was going on, a messenger from general Reynier brought at noon the unwelcome notice that a part of the Saxon artillery and cavalry had passed over to the allies; and at three o'clock came the still more alarming information of the desertion of the infantry. The intelligence was kept secret: Bonaparte ordered his horse, commanded a detachment of the old guard to replace the Saxons, and proceeded to the left, where he learned from Ney and Reynier the decisive superiority which the enemy were about to acquire. He now returned towards Probsteyde, rejoined Murat, and found means to make his artillery keep up their fire during the remainder of the afternoon. Night now came on, and closed with the loss of a considerable part of the French position near Stetteritz. Bonaparte continued near the wind-mill; a camp-fire being lighted on the spot: retreat was now unavoidable; Berthier received an order to that effect, and dictated the outline of the plan to his adjutants, who wrote by the light of the fire. Napoleon threw himself on a litter, reposed during a quarter of an hour, then re-opened his eyes, and cast a look of surprise on the surrounding officers, as if to say, 'Am I awake? or is it a dream?' He soon, however, recollected himself, and directed an officer to repair to the king of Saxony with information of the close of the engagement, and to express his regret that he could not visit him personally that night. He remained on the spot till eight in the evening, when he removed to one of the suburbs of Leipsic, and afterward to the interior of the town; where he sat up during the chief part of the night, engaged partly with Berthier and partly with Maret.

Meanwhile the measures for retreat were carrying into effect as far as they were practicable with so vast a number of men and carriages, the whole of which were obliged to take one road, the others being occupied by the allies. All had to pass through Leipsic, entering the town on every side, and crowding forwards to the Ranstadt gate. On the next morning, Bonaparte sent to offer the king of Saxony the option of either accompanying him or remaining; and the latter alternative being adopted, he was left at liberty to make the best terms that he could with the allies.

The troops continued to defile through the town; at half past eight o'clock, a cannonade from the allies was heard near one of the suburbs;

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