The White-feet prowled through the country, committing the most atrocious murders. Society was completely disorganized, and probably no nation in modern times, not even jacobin France, presented a worse spectacle of crime, rapine and bloodshed, than Ireland exhibited in 1832. Mr. O'Connell, in the mean time, proceeded with his plan of agitation, and on the 18th of January met his self-styled national council of Irish representatives at Dublin.

Nothing of importance was done at this meeting, and the interest excited by the proceedings in parliament, soon caused the national council to be forgotten.

The inefficiency of the existing laws to preserve the peace of the country, now began to be strongly pressed upon the government from all quarters. Meanwhile the new tithe act, passed in the beginning of June, by which the right of collecting tithes was transferred to the government, experienced as determined a resistance on the part of the peasantry as had been offered to the exaction when it was made by the clergy. The agitation for the repeal of the Union, too, now that the proclamation act had expired by the rising of parliament, was renewed with increased zeal and activity; and, urged in all the forms of popular excitement,was rapidly making head against the utmost efforts of the government to discourage and put it down.

The ministry had at length become convinced that this state of disorder required a remedy, which was proposed in the bill for suppressing disturbances offered in the house of lords, on the 15th of Feb., by lord Grey.

This bill authorized the lord lieutenant to suppress any public assemblage deemed by him inconsistent with the administration of the law; and two justices of the peace were empowered to enter by force into any place where such assemblage was held, and order it to disperse,persons refusing to obey to be punished by imprisonment. The lord lieutenant was also empowered to proclaim any district to be in a disturbed state, and all meetings in such district for petitioning or discussing any political grievances, were to be deemed unlawful, without the consent of the lord lieutenant. Any person attending to be deemed guilty of a misdemeanour, and to be tried and punished by a court martial. Persons out of the house in such proclaimed district, were to be liable to arrest, and to be punished for a misdemeanour; and all houses therein to be searched under a peace warrant, for arms, or to ascertain if the occupants are within; and if arms are found, or if the occupants are absent without a lawful excuse, it is to be deemed a misdemeanour. Other severe provisions were inserted, arming the government with powers utterly inconsistent with civil freedom; but lord

Grey made such strong statements of the unhappy condition of Ireland, that the bill was generally assented to in the house of lords.

Among other statements, he asserted, that in the year 1832, the number of homicides was 242, robberies 1179, burglaries 401, burnings 568, riots 203, firings with murderous intent 328, and that the various crimes growing out of the disturbed state of the country, amounted to 9002 within the year. In the house of commons the bill was more earnestly opposed, and the debate on the second reading was protracted through eight sittings. It was ordered to a second reading on the 11th of March, 363 ayes, 84 nays.

In committee, many attempts were made to amend it, but the opponents of the bill were left in small minorities, except as to an amendment acquiesced in by the ministers, preventing the powers of the act from being employed merely to collect tithes, which was carried, 284 to 81.

The bill was finally carried, 345 to 86, and became a law on the 2nd of April. Its powers were not long left in disuse. On the 6th of April the lord lieutenant proclaimed the city and county of Kilkenny to be in a state of disturbance, and ordered all its inhabitants to remain in doors after sunset.

On the 10th, he suppressed by proclamation the Irish volunteers, and on the 17th, the national Trades Political Union.

These decided steps had the

effect of producing a state of comparative tranquillity, which lasted until nearly the close of the year, when fresh symptoms of agitation became visible.

Before that time, however, in the month of September, the Marquis of Anglesea resigned, and lord Wellesley was appointed lord lieutenant in his place.

The tranquillity of Ireland was perhaps not altogether owing to the energetic measures adopted by the government. As much efficacy, probably, might be attributed to the plan for the reform of the Irish church, which was brought forward by lord Althorp, on the 12th of February, a few days before proposing the bill suppressing disturbances.

Its leading provisions consisted in reducing the bishoprics, by uniting the sees as the incumbents die, from 22 to 10: by reducing the income of the primate from £14,500 to £10,000; that of the bishop of Derry from £12,559, to £8000, and ultimately to £6000; the revenuesof the other sees were to be reduced by a tax of five per cent. on all below £4000; 10 per cent. on all between £5000 and £10,000; 12 per cent. on all between £10,000 and £15,000: and 15 per cent. on all above that sum.

From all livings betwee £200 and £500, a tax of five per cent. was to be deducted; from all between £500 and £700, a tax of six per cent.; from all between £700 and £800, a tax of seven per cent.; from all between £800 and £1000, a tax of 10 per cent.; from all between 1000 and £1200, a tax of 12 per cent.; on

all above that sum, 15 per cent. Vestry cess,and first fruits, to be abolished. The leases of bishop lands are to be converted into perpetuities.

From these various sources it was calculated that a yearly income of £155,000 would be produced, which was to be placed in the hands of commissioners consisting of the primate, the arch-bishop of Dublin, of four other bishops, the lord chancellor, and lord chief justice of Ireland, to be applied to the augmentation of small benefices, the

building of churches, and other ecclesiastical purposes.

The board is also to have the power of suspending the appointment of ministers to parishes in the gift of the king, or of any ecclesiastical corporation, in which no service has been performed for the space of three years.

Another act was also passed, authorizing the government to advance £1,000,000 to such of the clergy as could not recover their tithes, to be paid in five annual instalments. Such of

the clergy as accepted of this arrangement were to give up their tithes prior to 1831, and to deduct 25 per cent. from those of 1831 and 1832, and 15 per cent. on those of 1833. By act passed the preceding session it had been enacted that, after the 1st of November, 1833, the tenants of land should no longer be liable to the payment of tithes, but that that burden should, in all cases, fall upon the landlord. Proceeding upon the principle of this salutary change, the present act provided for the repayment of the advance to be now made to the clergy, by extending the liability of the landlords back to the year 1831, and making them the parties from whom the five instalments were to be demanded. They were to have, in turn, their remedy against the occupiers of the soil.

The effect of these laws, was to place the church out of the way of collision with the people, and thus to put an end to one of the main causes of disturbance and agitation.

Among the chief objects for cing themselves upon the attention of parliament, was the abolition of slavery in the colonies. To this measure the government was virtualy pledged by the resolutions proposed in the house of commons by Mr. Canning, in 1823. One of these resolutions recognised the expediency of emancipation as soon as compatible with the safety of the owners. Nothing had been done by the government to carry this revolution into effect, but the efforts of the friends of aboli

tion had been untiring, aud public opinion was so strongly excited in its favour, that the ministers were constrained to yield to its will.

At the late election, many representatives were required by their electors to pledge themselves to vote in favour of abolition, and the success of others was clearly owing to their known opinions on this question.

A large majority of the commons was undoubtedly committed to the views of the abolitionists, and it was evident, that something effectual must be done in compliance with the will of the British nation. The subject was not entirely without difficulties. Independent of those growing out of the ignorance of the negroes, and their incapacity to take care of themselves, if suddenly emancipated: it was not easy to reconcile the immediate abolition of slavery with strict justice, if considered merely with reference to the planters.

They had been induced by

the established laws of the realm to vest their funds in this kind of property, and to take up their residence in the colonies. Many of them had inherited their plantations with the slaves.

If the labourers were made free, it was said that not only would the value of the slave be taken from the owner, but the value of the plantation itself would be diminished.

The planters would be ruined, and if the insubordination and confusion which was apprehended, from loosening the fetters of the slave should occur, they

would be exiled from their native shores, as dependents upon the charity of strangers.

If, therefore, emancipation must take the place, (and this was generally conceded,) it ought only to be effected upon condition of full compensation to the owner, and it was generally supposed that the claims for remuneration would be too extravagant for even the munificence of the British government. Different opinions, too, were entertained on this point.

Some of the abolitionists denied any right to compensation, and others, who admitted the right, differed widely as to the amount. The question was, therefore, full of difficulties, after disposing of the preliminary question, which was now no longer doubtful. Under these circumstances, the ministers determined to act cautiously, but at the same time to fulfil the expectations of the nation.

Their plan was brought forward on the 14th May, by Mr. Stanley, in a series of resolutions, which were afterwards formed, with some amendments, into a law.

The most important effect of the new law, will be the entire cessation of the further increase of slavery. All children born after the passing of the act, or who, at the time of its passing, shall be under the age of six years, are to be free, provided their respective parents shall take upon themselves the charge of their maintenance. Those children whose parents decline maintaining them, are to be bound apprentices to the

master of the parents, and to work for him without wages,the males, till the age of twentyfour, and the females till that of twenty, at which periods they are to be absolutely free.

With regard to the grown-up negroes, it is proposed that they shall all become free within six years, in the case of agricultural, and four years in the case of domestic slaves, after the passing of the act. Only those who prefer being slaves, remain such after the expiration of that period.

Meanwhile, the condition of the slave is to be immediately altered, in various important respects. Every slave who chooses, is to be at liberty to claim to be registered as an apprenticed labourer to his master; and the effect of this change, in the relation between the two, will be at once to destroy and put an end to many of the most degrading distinctions by which the lot of the former is marked,—except in respect to the compulsion which he will still be under, to work for his master during a certain part of his time, he will immediately enter into the enjoyments of all the rights and privileges of a freeman. The power of inflicting upon him corporal punishment will be taken out of the hands of his master, and be transferred to the magistrate. Finally, instead of working for ten hours of the day, or more, he will be obliged, under his contract of aprenticeship, to work only three fourths of that time. And for this amount of labour, he may, at his own option, be either paid, as at present, by