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CHAPTER XXV.

THE END OF SLAVERY.

CONGRESS was in session. The time had come for carrying out the verdict of the people in regard to slavery. Senator Trumbull, Jan. 6, from the Joint Judiciary Committee, reported the Thirteenth 1865. Amendment to the Constitution :

"Section I. Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction.

"Section II. Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation."

Mr. Voorhees, member from Indiana, thought the time had not come for such an amendment, and opposed it. "When the sky," he said, "shall again be clear over our heads, a peaceful sun illuminating the land, and our great household of States all at home in harmony once more, then will be the time to consider what changes, if any, this generation desires to make in the work of Washington and Madison, and the several sages of our antiquity."

Such was not the opinion of Mr. Rollins, of Missouri. "I have been a slave-holder," he said, "but I am no longer an owner of slaves, and I thank God for it. Missouri has adopted an amendment to her Constitution for the immediate emancipation of all slaves in the State. If the giving up of my slaves without complaint shall be a contribution upon my part to promote the public good, to uphold the Constitution of the United States, to restore peace and preserve the Union, if I had owned a thousand slaves they would cheerfully have been given up. We never can have entire peace as long as slavery remains as one of the recognized institutions of the country."

"We have," said Thaddeus Stevens, who had the amendment in charge, “suffered for slavery more than all the plagues of Egypt. More than the first-born of every household has been taken. We still

harden our hearts and refuse to let the people go. The scourge still continues; nor do I expect it to cease till we obey the behests of the Father of men. We are about to ascertain the national will by an amendment to the Constitution. If the gentlemen opposite will yield to the voice of God and humanity, and vote for it, I verily believe the sword of the destroying angel will be stayed, and this people be reunited. If we harden our hearts, and blood must still flow, may the ghosts of the slaughtered victims sit heavily upon the souls of those who cause it."

Two-thirds of those voting must favor the amendment to secure its passage. It was known that some of the Democratic members of the House were ready to vote for so beneficent a measure; but would there be a sufficient number?

Breathless the silence as the clerk called the roll-broken by a low murmur of approval when Mr. English, Democratic member from Connecticut, responded "Aye." The applause was repeated with increasing emphasis as other Democrats followed his example. The last name was called. One hundred and nineteen Ayes, fifty-six Noes-two more than the requisite number! The great transaction was accomplished. The hall rang with cheers. Members stood upon their seats, mounted their desks, shouted their huzzas. The great audience in the galleries and crowding the doorways thundered its applause. Outside the Capitol cannon announced to President Lincoln, to the soldiers wasting away in the hospitals, to the people of Washington, that there was to be no more slavery in the land. In the evening a great crowd gathered around the White House. The President, responding to their call, said:

"I cannot but congratulate you, myself, the country, the whole world, upon this great moral victory."

In God's time and way the blow had been given, and slavery abolished.

President Lincoln, in 1861, cheerfully surrendered to Great Britain the two Confederate agents-Mason and Slidell, wrongfully seized by Commodore Wilkes. Mr. Mason had been courteously received in London by Lord John Russell as a private citizen, but England was not ready to recognize him as an agent of the Confederacy. Mr. Slidell, in Paris, had been accorded several interviews with Louis Napoleon, who said that his sympathies were with the South. He considered the re-establishment of the Union impossible, and final separation a mere question of time. The difficulty before him was to find a way to ex

press his sympathies. He desired to preserve friendly relations with England, but was not willing to act without the co-operation of that country.

Through the war the Emperor had keenly watched every movement of the conflict. He was dreaming of empire and power. He longed to have his name known in future ages. He desired to see the great re

public of the West divided, the government of the people overthrown. Its example and influence were threatening the stability of European governments. The United States, during the administration of President Monroe, declared to the world that there must be no interference on the part of European governments with affairs in the Western hemisphere. Each government must be left to itself in working out its wellbeing and destiny. Just before the secession of the Southern States the "Clerical" Party in the Republic of Mexico annulled the Constitution of that country and elected Miramon dictator, who seized $660,000, which had been set aside for the payment of interest on bonds held in England. The dictator issued $15,000,000 in bonds, which were sold to French brokers for $700,000 in gold. The Liberal Party elected Juarez President, who defeated Miramon in battle, and compelled him to flee the country. The Liberals, having obtained possession of the Government, confiscated a portion of the estates of the Church. Some of the bishops, who had made themselves very obnoxious, also the Papal Nuncio, were ordered to leave Mexico. The people had been plundered by the Clerical Party. The country was poor. Miramon had taken the last dollar from the national treasury. A law was passed suspending for two years payment of interest on the bonds held in England and in Europe. The ministers of England, France, and Spain informed President Juarez that unless it was annulled in twenty-four hours they would haul down their flags and suspend all intercourse. A convention was held in London by agents of the three countries, and it was agreed that each country should send a fleet and troops to Vera Cruz to hold that port, and collect the custom dues.

It probably never will be known just what inducements were brought to bear upon Emperor Louis Napoleon to induce him to enter upon a grand scheme for the extension of the influence and power of France in Mexico, but on February 14, 1862, Mr. Charles Francis Adams, at London, informed Secretary Seward that the Emperor of France intended to establish a monarchy in Mexico, with Maximilian, brother of the Emperor of Austria, and Carlotta, daughter of the King of Belgium, upon the throne.

The fleets of France crossed the Atlantic with several thousand troops, which landed at Vera Cruz, marched inland, but were confronted and defeated by the Mexicans. England and Spain, seeing Louis Napoleon had ulterior designs in Mexico, withdrew their troops. A form of election was held by the French commander, and Maximilian declared to be the choice of the Mexicans as ruler of the na

tion. The Monroe Doctrine had been set aside by the Emperor of France.

At this juncture Mr. Francis P. Blair thought he could render great service to the United States. He was a venerable gentleman, who had been influential in political affairs during the administrations of Jackson and Van Buren. He was intimately acquainted with Jefferson Davis and men holding high positions in the Confederate Government. Mr. Blair undoubtedly believed that he could bring about peace. He applied to President Lincoln for a pass beyond the lines of the army, which was granted. Mr. Blair addressed a letter to Mr. Davis, stating that when General Early's army was in the vicinity of Washington, the soldiers had access to his home in the suburbs of the city, and doubtless carried away some papers which were of value to himself, and he would like to visit Richmond to recover them. The letter furnished a reason to an inquiring public. Far different a personal letter to Mr. Davis, which set forth his true desire. He wished to explain his views upon the state of the country-to promote its welfare. He was not an accredited agent from President Lincoln, but desired, as an individual and a private citizen, to "unbosom his heart frankly and without reserve." (')

By flag of truce Mr. Blair reached Richmond, January 12, 1865, and was kindly received. He submitted a long communication to President Davis.

"Slavery," Mr. Blair said, "no longer remains an insurmountable obstruction to pacification. . . . The North and South speak one language, are educated in the same common law. . . . They were coming together again. . . . The few States remaining in arms against the Gov. ernment were ready to surrender slavery. . . . Louis Napoleon had declared he intended to make the Latin race supreme in the southern section of the continent."

Mr. Blair told Mr. Davis he was in a position to drive Maximilian from his American throne and baffle the designs of Napoleon. (')

Mr. Blair's plan was for the Confederacy to give up the struggle, unite with the North, and drive the French out of Mexico.

President Davis addressed a note to Mr. Blair, which he was at liberty to read to President Lincoln.

"I have no disposition," said Davis, "to find obstacles in forms, and am willing now, as heretofore, to enter into negotiations for the restoration of peace. I am ready to send a commission whenever I have reason to suppose it will be received, and to receive a commission if the United States Government shall choose to send one."