The spokesmen of the North-western delegations tried to make their votes for Douglas impressive, but it was a failure. They said so many votes for " Stephen A. Douglas, of Illinois, " but it would not do. They were overhung now by a cloud of South Carolinians in the galleries, and the cold steel of the new construction of the two-thirds rule had pierced their vitals. The North-western_delegations, commencing with Ohio, had always, until now, produced something of an effect, voting in solid column, according to the direction on the Douglas programme. But McCook of Ohio failed to give any rotundity to the vote, "twenty-three votes for Stephen A. Douglas.' Gavit of Indiana ripped out the vote of that State, and glared round with the air of an assassin. He looked as if he would cut any man's throat who had any thing to say against that. Richardson of Illinois looked as if at a funeral, and gave the vote of Illinois in a voice like the sound of clods on a coffin. The following is the

FIRST BALLOT.

While the roll was being called, Mr. Edgerton of Minnesota desired to have his vote recorded for Johnson of Tennessee.

The question was, whether, before the Convention adjourned, Douglas would get a majority of the Electoral College. He crawled up, half a vote at a time, until, on the ninth ballot, he reached the figure 152; but before the vote was declared, the column of the North-west was broken. Gorman denied Edgerton's right to change his vote-chair recognized Edgerton's right to vote as he pleased.

On motion of Mr. Richardson of Illinois, the Convention then ad

journed.

The Douglas men were very despondent after this day's experience. The delegates generally are dispirited, worried out by the long wrangle, and disgusted. It is the prevalent impression that the Democratic party has been done for. Even if it should be possible to patch up a superficial reconciliation, and nominate with a whole Convention, the nomination would be worthless. I hear it stated here a hundred times a day, by the most orthodox Democrats and rampant Southerners, "William H. Seward will be next President of the United States." And I have heard this remark several times from South Carolinians: "I'll be damned if I don't believe Senator Seward would make a good President." The fact is, there is a large class to whom the idea of Douglas is absolutely more offensive than Seward.

Our North-western friends will go home with hatred of the Democratic party, as it has appeared here, rankling in their hearts. As Douglas will not be the nominee, they will wish to see the nominee defeated. Some of them say, openly and earnestly, they will go home and join the Black Republicans. I never heard Abolitionists talk more uncharitably and rancorously of the people of the South, than the Douglas men here. Our North-western friends use language about the South, her institutions, and particularly her politicians, that is not fit for publication, and my scruples in that respect are not remarkably tender. A good many of them will eventually become the most intolerant Republican partisans. Their exasperation and bitterness toward the South, that has insisted upon such a gross repudiation of the only ground upon which they could stand in the North, can hardly be described. Many of them would not lift a finger to prevent the election of Seward to the Presidency. They say they do not care a d-n where the South goes, or what becomes of her. They say "she may go out of the Convention into hell," for all they care. I know it will be asserted that this is a highly-colored statement-but it certainly is not; on the other hand, it is mild. There will be no fight in the North-west worth thinking about. The Douglas men will permit the election to go by default. No matter what this Convention does after this date, the Chicago Convention has all the cards in its hands to win the next Presidency and the spoils of the Federal Government.

This is a "fixed fact," as the honorable President of this Convention once said. By the way, the Douglas men are desperately bitter on Caleb Cushing. They call him all manner of hard names.

People are fast leaving the town. Mr. Douglas's outside pressure has melted away. The Charleston disunionists now gloat over the pitiful and disgraceful wrangling that occupies the attention of the Convention.

NINTH DAY.

MORNING SESSION.

CHARLESTON, May 2, 1860

Prior to the opening of the proceedings to-day, the Boston Brass Band, accompanying the Boston delegation, appeared in the gallery and

played several national airs, and at the close of which, Mr. Flournoy of Arkansas proposed three cheers for the Union, which were given.

The roll of States was called for the thirteenth ballot (202 votes being necessary to a choice), which resulted as follows:

Before the twenty-third ballot was declared, there was trouble in the Virginia delegation. One of the votes was cast for Mr. Douglas by the delegates of one of the districts. The chairman of the State delegation was opposed to this, and produced the instructions. Gov. Todd of Ohio

(temporarily in the chair), ruled that the Virginia vote could be cast for Douglas, in spite of the majority of the delegation. This vote gave Douglas on this ballot a majority of the Electoral College vote, and his

friends were greatly inspirited. If Cushing had been in the chair, the fractious Virginians would have been ruled under. Cushing rushed in, out of breath, just after the vote was declared, and took his position with some discomposure-an extraordinary thing for him.