The committee further recommended that the rules and regulations adopted by the National Democratic Conventions of 1852 and 1856 be adopted by this Convention for its government, with this additional rule:

"That in any State which has not provided or directed by its State Convention how its vote may be given, the Convention will recognize the right of each delegate to cast his individual vote."

This was a Douglas dodge, to allow minorities in Pennsylvania and other States, in which the anti-Douglas men were in the majority, to vote for the Little Giant. The war at once raged along the whole line. Richardson of Illinois defended the report of the committee, as follows:

Mr. Richardson, of Illinois. "If I propose to go into an inquiry of what was done by the committee, it might be proper to say that the proposition now submitted was acted upon in a fuller meeting, as I am told, than that of last night, and adopted unanimously. I do not propose to discuss with the gentleman from Mississippi the subject as to the action of the committee. I propose to place it upon the basis of its own merits. Where a State Convention has met and instructed its delegation as a unit, and they have accepted the condition, they are bound by it. Wherever they give no such instruction, wherever they have refused in State delegation to give such instruction, it is proper to place the right of the delegate upon the broad and distinct ground of right. But where they have entered into an organization, and are pledged, they are not at liberty to overrun the expressed wishes and will of their constituents. But I propose to place the question of individuality upon the broad ground of right, and right alone. [Applause.] I say upon that ground the report of the committee ought to be adopted.

Texas, Mississippi, Illinois and Pennsylvania were heard on this subject. Randall of Pennsylvania made a speech, in which he said he would not go for any candidate who was not acceptable to a majority of the South. He also hinted that Douglas was the weakest man whose name was before the Convention. Richardson, of Illinois, said it might be interesting to inquire bow long the gentleman had been a member of the Democratic party. The fight was understood to be a fair and square one between the Douglas and anti-Douglasites. It was thrust into the Convention before its premanent organization, because Flournoy, the chairman, was favorable to the Douglasites. The chair, however, blundered, and twisted, and twisted, and got his precedents tied into several hard knots. Richardson held the floor, though about twenty points of order were raised upon him. He was, however, allowed to proceed. He made a speech which was not called for, and which was injurious to the Douglas faction. He referred, in the midst of his heat, to Mr. Randall as one of the recruits of yesterday, and to himself as an old soldier in the cause. He wanted the raw recruits to tarry awhile at Jericho, until their beards were grown, before they instructed him, an old soldier. Mr. Randall was highly excited, and offered Richardson his card, indicating that he would hold him personally responsible. At this demonstration there was hissing about the

hall. The war proceeded. Wright, of Pennsylvania, made a long speech. The chair finally decided that the question on the adoption of the report was divisible, and put the question as to the adoption of so much of the report as related to the organization exclusively. That part of the report was then adopted, and the permanent officers installed. This decision of the chair was really a sort of blunder. Mr. Flournoy being anxious to get out of the chair, allowed himself to defeat the purposes of his friends.

Before leaving the chair Mr. Flournoy uncorked a speech-the memorable passages of which were references to "eternal icebergs and everlasting frosts"-and the following gigantic effort on the Mississippi:

"The great father of waters, the river which commences at its source in the mountains, in springs and streams so small, that a hunter would scarcely widen his steps to cross them. But, running on, it mingles with other streams; yet so shallow that the mother duck can scarcely swim her fallow young in its waters. Then rolling onward, it mingles with yet other streams, until, at last, it forms the great Mississippi River-so deep and so vast that all the navies of the world could ride in safety upon its waters."

Mr. Flournoy introduced Mr. Cushing, who was received with warm applause, though the Douglas men dislike him intensely. They would not needlessly offend him, as they have to do the best they can with him. While they may have the bulk of the Convention, they have not a majority of the States, and were consequently defeated in committee. The interest to hear the speech of Mr. Cushing was intense. Outsiders had been admitted until all the galleries and spaces not covered by chairs on the floor were densely filled. When Mr. Cushing was introduced he seemed for the moment slightly nervous, and in a heat. He was dressed in a short, brown, sack coat, grey pants, and black satin vest. Considering the amount of intellectual labor he has performed, he seems in a remarkably fine state of preservation. He is partially bald, but not at all gray. Such hair as he possesses has the gloss of youth and bear's grease. He uses a plain eye-glass, suspended about his neck by a black ribbon. His hands are brown as a laborer's. He evidently preserves himself by out-door exercise. His head is round and lofty; the forehead high and full; nose straight and sharp; lips thin and expressive of intellectual consciousness and pluck, and his face shows very few wrinkles. His voice is clear, musical, and powerful; every syllable of his speech was heard in every part of the house. Convention is fortunate in having a presiding officer so accomplished. The following is Mr. Cushing's speech, as officially reported: "Gentlemen of the Convention: I respectfully tender to you the most earnest expression of profound gratitude for the honor which you have this day done me in appointing me to preside over your deliberations. It is, however, a responsible duty imposed, much more than a high honor conferred. In the discharge of that duty, in the direction of business and of debate, in the preservation of order, it shall be my constant endeavor faithfully and impartially to officiate here as your minister, and not humbly to reflect your will. In a great deliberative assembly like this, it is not the presiding officer in whom the strength resides. It is

The

not his strength, but yours-your intelligence, your sense of order, your instinct of self-respect. I rely, gentlemen, confidently upon you, not upon myself, for the prompt and parliamentary dispatch of the business

of this Convention.

Gentlemen, you have come here from the green hills of the Eastern States-from the rich States of the imperial centre-from the sun-lighted plains of the South-from the fertile States of the mighty basin of the Mississippi-from the golden shores of the distant Oregon and California-[loud cheers]-you have come hither in the exercise of the highest functions of a free people, to participate, to aid in the selection of the future rulers of the Republic. You do this as the representatives of the Democratic party-of that great party of the Union, whose proud mission it has been, whose proud mission it is, to maintain the public liberties-to reconcile popular freedom with constituted order— to maintain the sacred, reserved rights of the sovereign States-[loud and long-continued applause]-to stand, in a word, the perpetual sentinels on the outposts of the Constitution. [Cries of "that's the talk,' and loud cheers.] Ours, gentlemen, is the motto inscribed on that scrool in the hands of the monumental statute of the great statesman of South Carolina, "Truth, Justice, and the Constitution." [Loud cheers.] Opposed to us are those who labor to overthrow the Constitution, under the false and insidious pretense of supporting it; those who are aiming to produce in this country a permanent sectional conspiracy-a traitorous sectional conspiracy of one half the States of the Union against the other half; those who, impelled by the stupid and half insane spirit of faction and fanaticism, would hurry our land on to revolution and to civil war; those, the branded enemies of the Constitution, it is the part -the high and noble part of the Democratic party of the Union to withstand; to strike down and to conquer! Aye! that is our part, and we .will do it. In the name of our dear country, with the help of God, we will do it. [Loud cheers.] Aye, we will do it, for, gentlemen, we will not distrust ourselves; we will not despair of the genius of our country; we will continue to repose with undoubting faith in the good Providence of Almighty God. [Loud applause.]

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Gentlemen, I will not longer detain you from the important business of the Convention. Allow me a few moments for the purpose of completing the arrangements with the elected officers of the Convention, and then the chair will call upon you for such motions and propositions as may be in order before the Convention." [Applause.]

After the speech, some time was occupied in arranging the duties of the various clerks, so as to proceed with system and order, to business. Cushing had the good sense, while this was going on, to give the Convention a recess.

The business first in order was the test struggle on the proposed amendment of the rules which had been incorporated into the report of the committee on Permanent Organization, but which had been gotten. rid of for a time by the division of the question.

A motion was made to strike out from the report of the committee on Organization the original rule, and the vote was called by States, resulting as follows:

This vote is tolerably near a correct representation of the strength of Mr. Douglas, in the last analysis of the Convention, by the final struggle. The nays, those opposed to striking out the interpolation, are not all for Douglas now, by any means. Many of them are against him, so far as to have some other first choice. But they may, under the pressure that will come, be brought to vote for him. And we may add to them the vote of South Carolina. It is too soon yet for the delegation from that State to show its hand. To avoid scandal, it voted with the South, but it is of the Softs of South Carolina.

The conclusions which I draw from this vote are very sturdily disputed here by the anti-Douglas men. And the New Yorkers and Kentuckians say they meant no such thing as I say. The first choice of Kentucky is Mr. Guthrie, and her second, Breckenridge,--but a majority of her delegates would acquiesce in the nomination of Douglas, and might, under pretext of saving the nation, vote for him in an extremity, to give him a two-thirds vote. And John Cochrane will lead the New Yorkers into the Douglas camp, the moment he can do so with the greatest eclat, and make sure of giving him the nomination. Then John will expect the grateful recognition of Mr. Douglas if he should become President. Douglas might, of course, afford to give the English mission for the vote of New York in this Convention, and enough besides of Federal fatness to buy thirty politicians of easy virtue.

Poor Lafe Develin of Indiana gave one shriek for freedom to-day. He is hedged about by his colleagues, and iron-bound by the instructions of the State Convention of Indiana, that her delegation should vote there as an unit. Lafe has insisted that he would not be bound by State instructions, but I believe that in an unguarded moment" he voted in the Indiana Convention for the unity of the Charleston dele gation. Lafe's zeal cooled, when Buchanan appointed the grandfather of the English bill U. S. Marshal of Indiana. But to-day he could not stand it, and shrieked loudly that he was authorized to cast two votes from Indiana. But he was put down. He fell in his tracks, as it were, and Freedom shrieked when Lafayette Develin fell. A portion of the Tennessee delegation squirmed at the vote thrown as above.

Nearly half the delegation were determined to vote the other way, but the majority ruled.

There are a large number of gentlemen here from Kentucky. working for John C. Breckenridge. Among them are Senator Powell, Gov. Magoffin, Burnet (Congressman), Preston, Minister to Spain, and others of distinction. But the Kentucky delegation stands firm for old Ironsides, that is to say, James Guthrie.

The following committee was reported to-day:

Committee on Resolutions and Platform-Maine, A. M. Roberts; New Hampshire, Wm. Beven; Vermont, E. M. Brown; Massachusetts, B. F. Butler; Rhode Island, C. S. Bradley; Connecticut, A. G. Hazard; New York, Ed. Cogswell; New Jersey, Benj. Williamson; Pennsylvania, A. B. Wright; Delaware, J. A. Bayard; Maryland, B. S. Johnson; Virginia, J. Barbour; North Carolina, W. W. Avery; South Carolina, J. S. Preston; Georgia, J. Wingfield; Florida, J. B. Owens; Alabama, John Erwin; Louisiana, H. A. Hunter; Mississippi, E. Barksdale; Texas, F. S. Stockdale; Arkansas, N. B. Burrow; Missouri, -; Tennessee, Sam. Milligan; Kentucky, R. K. Williams; Ohio, H. B. Payne; Indiana, P. C. Dunning; Illinois, O. B. Ficklin; Michigan, G. V. N. Lothrop; Wisconsin, A. S. Palmer; Iowa, B. M. Samuels; Minnesota, J. M. Cavanaugh; California, Austin E. Smith; Oregon, James J. Stevens.

COMMENTARY ON SECOND DAY'S PROCEEDINGS.

CHARLESTON, S. C., April 24th (at night). The advantages gained by the Douglas men in the Convention today were important, and will, in my judgment, certainly result in Mr. Douglas receiving a majority of the votes in the Convention. Then the struggle to give him two-thirds will be tremendous, and in spite of the bitter opposition of the ultra South, and of the Administration, President, Cabinet, and Senators, he may get two-thirds, and it is my present impression that he will. The friends of Douglas have not only the strongest compact body of delegates, but have thus far displayed the best tactics. The South has been not only divided in counsel but deficient in judgment. The current has run steadily for Douglas from the first. It was apparent several days ago, that the outside pressure was for him. Every Southern man of any force, who is for Douglas, though in a small minority at home, and repudiated by the Conventions, has been summoned here to manufacture public opinion. This has been done calculatingly and systematically, and has its effect. There are men here from every Southern State, working directly or indirectly for Douglas. The first gain of the Douglasites was in the action of Judge Smalley, in admitting the Cagger, Cassidy, Richmond, and Cochrane New York delegation, and the Douglas Illinois delegation to seats, and excluding Fernando Wood, Ike Cook, and their followers.

The next gain was in the confirmation of this action of the Executive committee, by the Convention yesterday, which was not so import ant in itself, as in the weakness of the ultra South exposed by it. The great gain to-day was in passing a rule allowing single delegates in