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There is "For God's sake Linder," of Illinois. He made a speech last night in Hibernia Hall to the faithful, something after the John Brough style of eloquence. His linen suffered in the effort, and he has not been at pains to conceal the evidences of his enthusiasm by the proper change. His collar and cravat have seen service evidently. He gets his name "For God's sake Linder," from a letter which Douglas once wrote him saying, for God's sake, Linder, come down here, I need help." Some enterprising editor obtained a copy of the letter, and printed it, and it has not been forgotten. There is the enterprising firm of Faran & McLean, looking solemn as the grave, and button-boleing some refractory delegate, telling him how essential it is to the safety of the universe that Douglas should be nominated. of course don't feel any personal interest in the matter. They are afflicted with principle only. T. Jeff Sherlock, Esq., is looking in upon the crowd, and don't think Douglas can be nominated. He represents the Collector's office, and the virtuous Douglas men, who don't want office, insist that he is nobody because he is in office. And radiant in a full suit of white along comes W. J. Flagg, Esq., legislator-the man who was so bold as to advocate the admission of fresh air into the hall of a deliberative assembly in Ohio. It is clear that he is an innovator, and in these times, when conservatism is so much in demand, he must be held to be dangerous.

They

Passing along we find a tall portly man in glossy black, with a bad stoop in the shoulders, a new stove-pipe hat retaining in places the original shine, a bright red face out of which look brilliant eyes, carrying in his right hand, as if it were a mace, a huge gold-headed caneit is Col. Orr, of South Carolina, late Speaker of the House, and now suspected of Douglas inclinations and of a willingness to be either President or Vice President of the United States. He is in the midst of a confidential talk with a burly, piratical looking person in a gray business suit, the sack coat making him look even more squatty than be really is. The features of this individual are a little on the bull-dog order. He does not look like a man of much intellect, but is evidently a marked man--a man of energy and perseverance, of strength and strategy. Ponderous as he is, he moves lightly. Fat as he is, he is restless, and as he smokes his cigar, he consumes it with furious incessant whiffs. The black whiskers are sprinkled lightly with gray. Young America, otherwise Geo. Sanders. And, so, so, Mr. Orr, we see how the cat is jumping with you. You would have no objections to be second choice of the Douglas men-not a bit. You would be willing to take the Vice Presidency at the hands of the Douglas Democracy, wouldn't you? And, so, so, you got up a Convention in South Carolina the other day, Mr. Orr. The Platform was a little too strongly anti-Douglas to suit you, but that could not be helped. You could not do too much violence to the traditional leading Southern proclivities of South Carolina. You did all you could. Your intentions were toward Douglas, and yourself. If you dared, you would, with your South Carolina delegation, make common cause with the Douglas men. But you dare not do that. And we leave you, Col. Orr, in the care of Geo Sanders.

It is

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At the Charleston House we find another atmosphere. Here are the fire-eaters in full force. We miss the prince of them, Yancey of Alabama. He is not a man to talk confidentially in crowds. He don't talk politics with or like the common herd. He may be found in the private parlor of the Alabama delegation. And there is Barksdale, the Congressman of Mississippi, with his hat pulled down over his right eye. He has a way of throwing his head on one side and turning up his chin, and talking in a short sharp way, like a New York B'hoy. He is thick set, broad shouldered and short-legged. His eye is small and fierce. The whole country knows that he wears a wig-for Potter, of Wisconsin, knocked it off once upon a time. But as for a duel, beware of meeting Barksdale with bowie-knives! He knows how to handle the implement and has handled it. The fire eaters are talking about principle. A Douglas man or two have strayed down here, and are trying to explain that Douglas don't really mean any thing by popular Sovereignty. He had to talk that pretty strong to get back to the Senate." The people must be talked to violently about somethingmight as well say popular sovereignty to them as any thing else. Douglas would leave it all to the Courts at last. The Courts will fix it all right. Let us drop this immaterial issue and go in for the strongest man and his name is Stephen A. Douglas.' The South listens and commences-" What, and we must throw a bone to the Abolitionists, must we, eh? We must compromise with Abolitionism in order to carry the North-must we? We must take up an unsound man, or lose the battle-must we? No, sir. We have had too much of this. It is time the Democratic party took up sound men, and fought on principla It is the best policy to fight on principle. Mayor Wood carried New York on principle. Connecticut would have been carried, if it had not been for the taint of Douglasism. Rhode Island victory! There is no such thing. The Seward Republicans and Douglas Democrats in Rhode Island united and beat a John Brown Helperite. That's the way of it. I tell you we can succeed without Douglas. He is the weakest man out. But if he was strongest, I would not give a damn for a victory with him. I want the party destroyed if it is a one-man party. I want defeat if we can't have honest victory. No unfriendly legislation shall exclude our property from the Territories. We must have our property protected.'

I have heard

This is not, by any means, an imaginary conversation. two to-night that were in substance as I have set down here.

To complete the rounds to-night, we must go over to King street, and look in upon the head-quarters of the Administration Senators established luxuriously there, in a large old-fashioned building, overlooking and entered through an ice-cream garden, which, though this is Sunday evening, is open to the public, and thronged by visitors. The Administration Senators tell us that they are not at all uneasy on the subject of the nomination of Douglas. They say he cannot possibly get more than one hundred and six votes on the first ballot; that his strength will never be as great as it was at Cincinnati after Pierce was withdrawn; that is, they say, "if there is truth in men." But sometimes, and this is one of them, there is not truth in men. Douglas will

not, I presume, be nominated, but he will get more than one hundred and six votes.

The Administration Senators tell us Douglas is not to be the nominee-cannot get one-half the votes-nothing like it. If these Senators are speaking the truth, then there are lies enough told at the Mills House every day to sink a ship, if each one only weighed but an ounce. And the Senators produce the figures. Douglas will hardly get a vote from a slave State, unless it may be one or two from each of the States of Maryland and Missouri. New York is dead against him. Neither delegation from that State is for him, and the State must vote as an unit. But will it? Senators say yes. And Pennsylvania? Senators say Douglas cannot certainly get a vote from Pennsylvania. The majority of the delegation is for Breckenridge, and it is the Hunter and Guthrie men who are strongest against State unity. But they will all come in-every man-and the State will be an unit against Douglas. It will all be fixed in the morning. And Senators say also that Massachusetts is against Douglas-dead and united against him—and Maine evenly divided. New Hampshire is for him, and waiting to have him slaughtered, in order to introduce to the Convention the name of Franklin Pierce. Senators are bitter. They are not only against the Presidential aspirations of the Senator of Illinois, but they hate him most cordially, and some of them swear vengeance.

The full-faced gentleman without a vest, sitting on the corner of a chair, and smoking a fragrant cigar in the contemplative style—the gentleman with long brown curling hair, parted in the middle-is Senator Bayard, of Delaware, a distinguished lawyer and a Democratic partisan of long standing. He could do his State some service, by helping her to get rid of slavery, but he is a pro-slavery man. He is a descendant of the illustrious Chevalier Bayard, the knight without fear or reproach. Senator Bayard is a handsome, courtly gentleman, who is personally a goodly man to know.

The heavy, closely-shaven gentleman, with yellow vest, open, that its wearer may have the benefit of the breeze-the gentleman leaning against the railing, in his chair, looking like a business man more than a Senator (if we may be allowed such a distinction), is Jesse D. Bright, who has long been the king caucus of Indiana. Mr. Bright's hatred of Douglas is, perhaps, just now, the strongest passion of his soul. Douglas voted to exclude him from the Senate, and their relations are those of irreconcilable and deadly hate. It is reported that he swears he will stump Indiana, county by county, against Douglas, if he should be nominated.

The rosy gentleman, with the farmer-like aspect, slightly inclined to be just fat enough to be sleek, and whose countenance is so placid that you would not imagine he had ever been crushed by Douglas in debate, or become weak in the knees, and been guilty of wincing at Southern thunder, the gentleman who has just ascended the stairs, and has thrown himself into a perspiration, and who is alternately mopping with his handkerchief and fanning with his hat, is the Hon. William Bigler, of Pennsylvania. Within, seated at a round table, on which books, newspapers and writing material is scattered about, is a gentleman with long,

thin white hair, through which the top of his head blushes like the shell of a boiled lobster. The gentleman has also a cherry-red face, the color being that produced by good health, and good living joined to a florid temperament. His features are well cut, and the expression is that of a thoughtful, hard-working, resolute man of the world. He is a New Yorker by birth, but has made a princely fortune at the New Orleans bar. He is not a very eloquent man in the Senate, but his ability is unquestioned; and it is universally known that he is with the present Administration, the power behind the throne greater than the throne itself. Mr. Buchanan is as wax in his fingers. The name of this gentleman is John Slidell. His special mission here is to see that Stephen A. Douglas is not nominated for the Presidency. If I am not much mistaken, he just now manipulated a few of the North-eastern men with such marvelous art, that they will presently find they are exceedingly anxions to defeat the nomination of Douglas, and they will believe that they arrived at the conclusions now coming uppermost in their minds in their own way.

There has been a great deal more drunkenness here to-day than heretofore. Most of the violent spreeing is done by roughs from the Northern Atlantic cities who are at last making their appearance. There have been a number of specimens of drunken rowdyism and imbecility about the hotels. And I hear, as I write, a company of brawlers in the street making night hideous.

LIST OF DELEGATES TO THE NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC CON

VENTION.

[From the Secretary's Roll.]

The following, furnished by the Secretary of the Convention to the Charleston newspapers, is the most correct List of Delegates published. The list cannot be absolutely accurate, for the reason that some of the originally accredited delegates never appeared-and after the first day of the Convention, changes were constantly being made: