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Government. The problem raised by this bill is exemplified by the question, if restricting the advertising of alcoholic beverages would have a 50 or even a 25 percent effect upon the sale of beer, for example, and if because of the ultimate bearing this advertisement has upon traffic accidents, juvenile delinquency, immorality, and overt acts in defiance of the law, it would reduce the extent of these national problems, then why not ban the sale of alcoholic beverages and completely eliminate these problems?

This raises the age-old problem of freedom and authority. In the history of the United States, there has been a fluctuation between periods of excessive anarchy and periods of too strict Government control. We, as young people, are concerned that the balance between these two be maintained, and that it be maintained in the proposed alcoholic advertisement legislation. The alcoholic beverage industries stand as legally constituted businesses. This is based upon our belief that it is just for every man to have the freedom to pursue the course of interest his conscience dictates him to follow. Our democratic heritage is rich with events which have established this freedom. But the moment in which one person's freedom becomes another person's burden, this freedom must be in part forfeited. It must be limited to the extent that that undue burden upon the other person is lifted and a measure of equilibrium is again restored. To do this is to establish justice, and to promote the general welfare.

The point at which this freedom is limited and the boundary is declared is seemingly an arbitrary one. Yet when sufficient evidence is brought forth to establish the fact that the limits of freedom have been exceeded, this arbitrary point must be declared by the Government of the people. These limits are imposed upon our system of free enterprise that it might remain free, for justice and freedom are inseparable.

The alcoholic beverage industry has exceeded the limits of its freedom precisely at the point where evidence proves that consumption of alcoholic beverages has been a direct cause of sufficient import in juvenile delinquency, traffic accidents, immorality, and overt acts against the law to be declared a national problem.

The prohibiting of transportation in interstate commerce of advertisements of alcoholic beverages is one curb, one boundary, which needs to be established in order to deal justly with an industry which has usurped its freedom by placing undue burdens upon too many of this country's citizens. It has usurped this freedom even though there have already been restrictions placed upon this industry. This is an industry which has been granted its rights as a privilege and not as a right and, therefore, it has been under restrictions constantly. But I hold that these privileges have been usurped in this case here and, hence, the need for this legislation.

The point which is being chosen is a relative one. It neither allows the unjust affects of the advertisement of alcoholic beverages to continue unchecked nor seeks to abolish an industry by an absolute ruling. Rather, it attempts to terminate the injustices which are consequences of usurped freedom, and at the same time it protects the right of free enterprise.

Chairman PRIEST. Thank you, Mr. Bosley. You have, in the opinion of the Chair, maintained that very high standard characteristic of spokesmen for the National Conference of Methodist Youth. The

Chair recalls with some degree of pride the hearings before this committee 2 years ago when a young man from my home city was the spokesman for the Methodist Youth Conference. I appreciate the provocative thought which you have given to your statement today. I wonder if there are any questions.

Mr. Dies?

Mr. DIES. I do not think I have ever seen any advertisement of liquor on television. It is always advertising beer; is that correct?

Mr. BOSLEY. So far as I know that is so. I have never seen liquor advertised upon television or radio. As I understand it, this is because of the choice of the liquor industry to refrain from advertisement through the media of television and radio. Beer presents itself as the beverage alcohol which is concerned in the case of advertisement on TV and radio.

Mr. DIES. Do you know if there has been any attempt on the part of the television and radio industry to restrict the advertisements so as not to advertise during the period when children watch programs? Has there been any effort on the part of the industry to limit this thing or restrict it?

Mr. BOSLEY. I am not qualified to answer that question. I would be very interested to know if there had been that kind of discussion in the liquor industry, but I do not know.

Chairman PRIEST. Mr. Rogers?

Mr. ROGERS. Is your group concerned quite a bit with the portrayal of cocktail parties and those kinds of things in moving pictures and all that are shown on television programs aside from commercial advertising?

Mr. BOSLEY. Certainly young people constantly find, I think, a real concern in this area. I think this is brought on to a great extent both by the precept and the example which we find in advertisement, be it in radio and TV or in the other media mentioned in this bill, in which this is the problem, in which social drinking, for instance, is portrayed as the thing to do.

Mr. ROGERS. This bill, of course, I think we appreciate, has to do more with commercial matters than with the incidental advertising of alcohol in social activities. Has your organization given any thought to some type of legislation that might cause a curtailing of some of the portrayals, we will say, on TV, of cocktail parties, drinking, and so forth?

Mr. BOSLEY. Our curtailment, sir, comes in the form of our wish that advertisement, all advertisement, in interstate commerce, of alcoholic beverages, be prohibited. There is no curtailment, but it is a prohibition.

Chairman PRIEST. Would the gentleman yield?

Mr. ROGERS. Yes, sir.

Chairman PRIEST. I believe the witness misunderstood the question asked by Mr. Rogers. As I understood it, Mr. Rogers, you have in mind those scenes that are presented in a play as entertainment, or a film that is presented as entertainment, wherein the production of the film or the play there are such scenes. That is the way I understood the question.

Mr. ROGERS. That is right. In other words, you have to attack the problem, I think, from the standpoint of censorship, to a certain de

gree. I wondered whether your organization had made any study or given any consideration to legislation on that point.

Mr. BOSLEY. In our discussion on this problem of alcoholic beverages, at the summer annual conferences, time and again we have been faced with this problem which presents itself in different forms, plays, as you just mentioned, being one of them. The challenge of the National Conference stand on this issue is to the individual young person, in his high school or in his university, to make an individual stand in the selection, for instance, of the planned program for a theatrical season. This is up to the young person. It is strongly our stand that the young person is called upon to make a witness here in this area, but we push the emphasis upon the individual person in this case, because it has to do with an individual performance, an individual event, a play and so on.

Mr. ROGERS. Thank you very much.

Chairman PRIEST. Are there further questions?

If not, we thank you very much, Mr. Bosley.
Mr. BOSLEY. Thank you, sir.

Chairman PRIEST. Our next witness is Dr. Caradine R. Hooton, executive secretary of the Methodist Board of Temperance.

May the Chair make this inquiry before the doctor proceeds: The Chair understood earlier today that Mrs. Violet Hill Whyte was not present.

Miss SMART. May I say she is a member of the Baltimore Police Force and was only released for 1 day. She testified before the Senate committee.

Chairman PRIEST. The Chair makes this suggestion, hoping that it will be entirely understood that it will not be any effort to close anyone off in testimony but if, in the presentation of a prepared statement, any witness desires to summarize some of it orally with the understanding that it will all appear in full in the record, it is entirely all right. It will help us to get to more witnesses and enable them to present part of their statements, at least, orally.

STATEMENT OF DR. CARADINE R. HOOTON, EXECUTIVE SECRETARY, BOARD OF TEMPERANCE, THE METHODIST CHURCH

Mr. HOOTON. Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the committee, I appear as the executive secretary of the Methodist Board of Temperance, which represents 39,000 Methodist churches in America, and whose constant contacts with the 600 district secretaries of temperance across the Nation, and the 100 conference board chairmen, as well as 30,000 local church temperance committees, leads us to believe conclusively that the masses of the people called Methodists, approximately 10 million in America, and another 15 million constituents of our church, are definitely anxious that the Congress shall act favorably upon this bill.

They feel, sir, that the efforts we make in four major fields to build Christian character are definitely stymied. They are hurt, they are hindered, by the operation of advertising over public media, the advertising of alcoholic beverages.

Our major emphasis, if you pleasc, are in the field of education, basic information, about alcohol and its effect upon the human brain

and upon human personality, and upon the social consequences of drinking. Our second major emphasis in the board of temperance is that of commitment. We seek to commit in our people by families, youth groups, young adults, homemakers, and adults, growing children and maturing persons, to abstinence as the wiser way of life. Our third major emphasis is in rehabilitation. We feel that we have a primary obligation to help people who are in trouble from beverages of alcohol. Our fourth area of concern is in the type of legislation that will enable education and rehabilitation and commitment to do its work without damage to human character and to the social welfare of our people, of the people of America.

Mr. Chairman, among the 65 million people today who are using beverage alcohol, very serious consequences have arisen in the form of alcoholism that makes a difficult public health problem about which perhaps others will testify more adequately.

We feel that the advertising of alcoholic beverages is definitely unfair, unethical, and unreasonable, in that it makes these people who were victimized by alcohol want to return to the uses of those who enslaved them by this drug. We appeal to you on their behalf to set up some sort of control of alcoholic advertising or beverage alcohol advertising, that will give these people a decent chance.

Let us consider that area of sick persons in our American life. Of the 65 million drinkers today, there are 4,600,000 alcoholics, according to Yale School's last estimate, and Dr. E. M. Jellinick of World Health. There are another 3 million problem drinkers who are on the very brink of what we call the bottom of the pit of alcoholism. Now the tragic thing is that alcoholism in America is 512 times more prevalent than cancer. It is 3.6 times as prevalent as tuberculosis in America. It is more than 100 times as prevalent as polio. And yet there is no considerable action on the part of the Nation and States to do anything in behalf of these people who are suffering from alcoholism.

Of course, alcoholism is a product, a defiinte product of drinking alcohol. A tragic situation in that connection is that 250,000 new addicts are added to this list every year.

The point I want to make and plead for is that we are prevented in our educational processes from doing a good job with American character building and with the construction and holding together of American homelife, by the invasion of the homes of our poeple of advertising that creates these additional appetites.

I want to appeal to you in the second place on behalf of the youth and of the children, who are becoming cynical in their attitude toward law and toward citizenship when, on the one hand, they are told in their churches and by their parents that it isn't good for them to drink, that it is wrong, even, to drink, and yet they are allowed to see and to hear in their homes that alcohol is quite acceptable and the proper thing to do without ever any mention to them, of the dangers involved in drinking.

We submit that character cannot long be built in the presence of that sort of situation, which, on the one hand, allows the alcohol industry to make them believe that a particular thing is all right, which we have otherwise declared to be all wrong. We create appetites by advertising, that we make it illegal for anybody to satisfy.

Consequently, we have the great and amazing rise of juvenile delinquency in our midst. We submit that none of the process of law, none of the processes of education, none of the processes of evangelization going on in our churches can successfully stem the tide of influence as long as alcohol is brought into the homes a favored and accepted product and commodity.

The third area of people whom we think are injured unnecessarily, and for whom we think this special legislation against alcohol is entirely proper, is the body of parents who are completely perplexed, who do not have the chance to move in upon the alcohol situation and convince the minds of our boys and girls who have been otherwise persuaded by dramatizations, by catch phrases, and by songs, that alcohol is acceptable and all right. It creates a barrier between the children and the parents on the one hand and makes the children feel that perhaps the parents, and even their teachers in public school, their teachers in church school and the ministers, are outmoded.

We think that that is manifestly unfair to those who are seeking to build a character structure in this Nation that will enable our democracy to stand.

Finally, we believe that for the minimum of 25 millions of people in America who now have chosen by their vote to live in dry territory, and perhaps others, that this advertising is unethical, unauthorized, and unconscionable. It brings alcohol into dry territories and into dry homes, abstaining homes, without the invitation of these persons and over the protests of their registered vote. Consequently, it leaves the States and the political subdivisions of our States helpless to protect themselves, and these segments of the people who want to live the alcohol free life, it leaves them without any protection.

We think that the passage of this particular bill, if you please, will be in the interest of public welfare. It will be in keeping with the spirit of good Americanism. We do not believe that it will violate any known law or the spirit of any amendment that is now present in our common laws.

Chairman PRIEST. Thank you very much, Doctor, for your state

ment.

In the concluding point of your statement, I believe you said it brought alcohol into the dry areas. You really meant it brought the advertising, the appeal.

Mr. HOOTON. It creates the appetite; it creates the demand for it. Chairman PRIEST. I thought you might want to make that correction into the record, because I believe you stated it brought alcohol itself.

Mr. HOOTON. I think it has a definite bearing on the bootlegging which does bring that in.

Chairman PRIEST. Yes.

Mr. Dies?

Mr. DIES. I want to know, has there been any attempt on the part of the churches and the temperance organizations to use the same media of advertisement to point up the harmful effects of alcohol?

Mr. HOOTON. Yes, again and again. And we have some success in presenting dramatizations, in taking advantage of free time we have some success in presenting what they consider good programs, but not on national hookups.

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