royal promise is made to be broken. Fellow citizens, remember it. We have not sought this situation. Last Saturday the sun rose on a peaceful and smiling city; to-day it is otherwise. Whose fault is it? Queen Liliuokalani's. It is not her fault that the streets have not run red with blood. She has printed a proclamation expressing her repentance for what she has done-and at the same time-perhaps sent out by the same carriers-her organ prints an extra with her speech with bitterer language than that quoted in the Advertiser. She wants us to sleep on a slumbering volcano, which will some morning spew out fire and destroy us all. The Constitution gives us the right to assemble peacefully and express our grievances. We are here doing that to-day without arms. The man who has not the spirit to rise after the menace to our liberties has no right to keep them. Has the tropic sun thinned our blood, or have we flowing in our veins the warm, rich blood which makes men love liberty and die for it? I move the adoption of the resolution. (Tumultuous applause.)

MR. H. F. GLADE: The Queen has done an unlawful thing in ignoring the constitution which she had sworn to uphold. We most decidedly protest against such revolutionary proceedings, and we should do all we possibly can to prevent her from repeating actions which result in disorder and riot. We now have a promise from the Queen that such proceedings as we experienced on Saturday shall not occur again. But we should have such assurances and

guarantees for this promise as will really satisfy us and convince us of the faith and earnestness of the promise given, of which we now have no assurance. What such guarantees and assurances ought to be I cannot at this moment say or recommend. This should be referred to the Committee of Safety for their careful consideration. I second the motion.

MR. A. YOUNG, in addressing the meeting, spoke as follows: Mr. Chairman and fellow citizens-In June, 1887, I stood on this same platform and addressed an audience almost as large as the one now before me. At that time we had met to consider a resolution that looked toward a new constitution, which proposed constitution was considered the most effectual method of removing some flagrant abuses in governmental affairs practiced by the King and his Cabinets prior to the time that the constitution was promulgated. To-day we have met to consider the action of Her Majesty in attempting to set aside the constitution we all worked so hard to have promulgated, in the best interests of the sovereign and the people at large, as well as for the redemption of the credit of the kingdom abroad. It has long been reported that at some favorable opportunity the Queen would spring a new constitution upon the people and place matters even more in the hands of the sovereign than they were before the revolution of 1887. Some did not believe the rumors, but the actions of the Queen in the last few days have convinced the most skeptical that the rumors were well

founded, and that she had been pregnant with this unborn constitution for a long time, but it could not be born till under the propitious star. The Queen's kahunas, together with her would-be advisers had no doubt told her that the auspicious time for the advent had arrived. In trying to promulgate this long-promised constitution, the Queen has therefore premeditatedly committed a breach of faith with one portion of her subjects, in order to satisfy the clamors of a faction of natives urged by the influence of a mischievous element of foreigners who mean no good to the Queen or the people, but simply for the purpose of providing avenues for carrying out more perfectly the smuggling of opium and diverting the contents of the treasury into their own pockets. A "By Authority" circular has now been handed around setting forth that the Queen and her Cabinet had decided not to press the promulgation of a new Constitution, but can we depend on this promise of Her Majesty? Is this promise any more binding upon her than the oath she took before the Almighty God to support and maintain the present Constitution? Has not the Queen resorted to very questionable methods in an underhanded way to remove what, to the people, was one of the most acceptable Cabinets ever commissioned by any sovereign in this Kingdom, in order that four other Ministers might be appointed that would carry out her behest, treasonable, or otherwise, as might be most conveniently within their scope. I say, have we any reasonable assurance that the Queen and her Min

isters have abandoned finally the new Constitution promulgation scheme? (Roars of No! from the audience.) My fellow citizens, while the Queen and her Cabinet continue to trifle with and play fast and loose with the affairs of State, there can be no feeling of security for foreign families residing within these domains. There can be no business

prosperity here at home, and our credit abroad must be of the flimsiest and most uncertain nature. And you business men who are toiling honestly for your bread and butter will have to put up with thin bread and much thinner butter if this farcical work is continued. In order that matters may be set to rights again and that honest, stable and honorable government may be maintained in Hawaii, I support the resolution and trust that it will be passed unanimously by this meeting.

MR. C. BOLTE spoke in a similar strain, and was followed by

HON. H. P. BALDWIN : I feel with the rest of you, that the actions of the Queen have put the country in a very critical

put the whole country into a critical situation.

We were working up new industries. Mr. Dillingham is trying to build a railroad around this island. The Queen seems to have blinded herself to all these things. She has followed a whim of her own a whim of an irresponsible body of Hawaiians-and tried to establish a new Constitution. We must stop this; but we must not go beyond Constitutional means. I favor the resolution, but think the committee should act within the Constitution. There is no question that the Queen has done a revolutionary act— there is no doubt about that. The Queen's proclamation

has not inspired confidence; but shall we not teach her to act within the Constitution? (Loud calls of "No!") Well, gentlemen, I see that you do not agree with me, but I am ready to act when the time comes.

J. EMMELUTH wished to say a few words on the situation. He had heard the Queen's speech at the palace, and noted the expression of her face. It was fiendish. When the petitioners filed out he reflected on the fact that thirty men could paralyze the business of the community for twenty-four hours. It was not they that did it, but the schemers behind them, and perhaps a woman too. It was not the Hawaiians that wanted the new Constitution; not those who worked. This was the third time that he had shut his doors, let his men go, and come up to this building. It would be the last time. If we let this time go by we should deserve all we should get. An opportunity came

once in every lifetime. It had come to us, and if we finished as we should, a repetition of last Saturday would never occur in this country again. (Applause.) We must stand shoulder to shoulder. There was but one course to pursue, and we should all see it. The manifesto of this morning was bosh. "I won't do it any more; but give me a chance and I'll do it again." This is the real meaning of it. If the Queen had succeeded last Saturday, myself and you would have been robbed of the privileges without which no white man can live in this community.

"Fear

not, be not afraid," was written in my Bible by my mother twenty-five years ago. Gentlemen, I have done. As far as the Hawaiians are concerned, I have an aloha for them, and we wish to have laws enabling us to live peaceably together.

R. J. GREENE spoke earnestly in like tone. The Chairman then read the resolution. It was passed by a unanimous standing vote, without a dissenting voice, amid tremendous cheers, after which the meeting broke up.

THE MASS MEETING AT PALACE SQUARE.

The so-called "law and order meeting" of natives at Palace Square, which had been called by the Ministry for 2 P. M., has been variously estimated all the way from 500 to 3000. The writer estimated it at the time to be about half as large as the meeting at the Armory. It was a tame and dispirited meeting, the speakers being under strict orders to