representation by such administration, and by the present administration to such Provisional Government; therefore, it incontrovertibly follows that the President of the United States had no authority to attempt to reopen such determined questions, and to endeavor by any means whatever to overthrow the Provisional Government or to restore the monarchy which it had displaced.

While it is true that a friendly power may rightfully tender its good offices of mediation or advice in cases such as that under present consideration, it is also true that the performance of such offices of mediation or advice ought not to be entered upon without the consent previously given by both the parties whom the action or decision of the friendly power may affect. Such consent was not given in the present instance. The Provisional Government never so consented; it was never requested to consent. It denied the jurisdiction of the present administration on every proper occasion. Therefore the proceedings by the President, which had for their result his request and monition to the Provisional Government to surrender its powers, to give up its existence and to submit to be displaced by the

monarchy which it had overthrown, had no warrant in law, nor in any consent of one of the parties to be affected by such proceedings.

Fifth. The avowed opinion of the President of the United States, in substance, that it is the duty of this Government to make reparation to the Queen by endeavoring to reinstate her upon her throne by all constitutional methods, is a clear definition of the policy of the present administration to that end. The instructions to Messrs. Blount and Willis must be construed to be other and more ample forms of expression of that policy. No other presumption is permissible than that their actions at Honolulu were with intent to carry out that avowed policy. These considerations make immaterial any discussion, in this connection, of the personal intentions, circumspection or good faith of these gentlemen in the performance of the task to which they had been plainly commanded by the present administration. JOHN SHERMAN.

WM. P. FRYE.

J. N. DOLPH.

CUSHMAN K. DAVIS.

CHAPTER I.

RISE AND FALL OF THE REBELLION.

The unfriendly attitude of the American Administration toward the Republic and the withdrawal of the United States manof-war from the Honolulu harbor early in September, gave the adherents of Liliuokalani, who sought to re-establish Monarchical rule in the Islands, renewed assurance that theirs might be a winning cause and the spirit of conspiracy became so thoroughly established that a number of private detectives were kept in the employ of the Marshal of the Islands watching those who were suspected as possible leaders in a revolutionary movement. During the closing weeks of the year 1894, the evidence obtained by the police department made the government apprehensive of trouble, though just what form it would take, and to place the leaders in the movement was beyond

the power of the officials. Many supporters of the

government were disposed to criticise the Marshal as being unnecessarily cautious, but as subsequent events showed, it was by the untiring vigilance of Marshal Hitchcock that the most deep seated, and if successful, the most disastrous revolution the country has ever known, was nipped in the bud, the plot laid bare and the plotters brought to justice.

With the first days of the year 1895 came daily and steadily increasing evidence of an attempt to overthrow the Republic. The keeper of the lookout station on Diamond Head reported that he had been requested not to signal the arrival of the steamer Waimanalo off the harbor. On Thursday night, Jan. 3rd, a mysterious gathering of natives was broken up at Kakaako on the water front of the city. On the following Saturday night a large number of natives were noticed coming into the city from the outlying districts, and saloons, generally crowded