Extract from the rules and regulations for the go. vernment of the army of the United States. "All officers, whatever may be their rank, passing through a garrison town, or established military post, shall report their arrival at such town or post to the commanding officer; by written notice if the officer arriving be elder in rank, and personally if he be younger in rank than the officer commanding." Castle Clinton, head quarters, 3d M. dept. April 22, 1817.} DEPARTMENT ORDERS. The commanding officer requires obedience to Col. commanding 3d M. Dept. Adj't and Inspector Gen's office, May 1, 1817. GENERAL ORDER.--Promotions and appointments to fill vacancies in the army of the United States. Corps of Artillery. 2d lieutenant Wm. Coffie, to be 1st lieutenant, 20th April, 1817, vice Kincaid, resigned. 3d lieutenant John R. Sloo, to be 2d lieutenant 20th April, 1817, vice Coffie, promoted. 3d lieutenant Henry Griswold to be 2d lieutenant, 1st May, 1817, vice Campbell, resigned. First Regiment of Infantry. Brevet lieut. colonel James Y. Ball, major of the 6th infantry, to be lieutenant colonel, 31st March 1817, vice Croghan resigned. Brevet major R. Whartenby, captain of the 7th infantry, to be major, 30th April 1817, vice Jesup, promoted. Third Regiment of Infantry, Brevet lieut. colonel Thomas S. Jesup, major of the 1st infantry, to be lieutenant colonel, 30th April, 1817, vice Brearley promoted. Fourth Regiment of Infantry. 1st lieutenant Otho W. Callis, to be captain, 12th March, 1817, vice Taylor, resigned. 2d lieutenant Richard M. Sands, to be 1st lieutenant, 12th March, 1817, vice Callis, promoted. Fifth Regiment of Infantry. 2d lieut. Edmund Kirby, to be 1st lieutenant, 1st May, 1817, vice Adams, resigned. Sixth Regiment of Infantry. Brevet major Gad Humphreys, captain, to be major, 31st of March 1817, vice Ball promoted. Brevet captain Elijah Boardman, 1st lieutenant, to be captain, 31st March 1817, vice Humphreys promoted. 2d. lieutenant John Ellison, to be 1st lieutenant, 31st March, 1817, vice Boardman promoted. Seventh Regiment of Infantry. Brevet colonel D. Brearley, lieutenant colonel of the 3d infantry, to be colonel, 30th April 1817, vice M'Donald, resigned. 1st Lieutenant John H. Mallory, to be captain, 30th April 1817, vice Whartenby, promoted. 2d Lieutenant Granvilie Leftwich, to be 1st lieu tenant, 30th April 1817, vice Mallory, promoted. 2d Lieutenant Richard W. Scott, to be 1st lieutenant, 30th April 1817, vice Ross, resigned. 2d Lieutenant Lewis Lawshe, to be 1st lieutenant, 30th April 1817, vice Goodwyn, resigned. Eighth Regiment of Infantry. 1st Lieutenant Thomas Mountjoy, to be captain, 15th January 1817, vice M'Keon. 1st Lieutenant Robert Houston, to be captain, 21st March 1817, vice Bissell, resigned. Rifle Regiment. Brevet lieutenant colonel Talbot Chambers. Major, to be lieutenant colonel, 8th March 1817, vice Hamilton, resigned. Brevet major Willoughby Morgan, captain, to be major, 8th March 1817, vice Chambers, promoted. 1st Lieutenant James S. M'Intosh, to be captain, 8th March, 1817, vice Morgan, promoted. 2d Lieutenant Abner Harrison, to be 1st lieutenant, 1st March, 1817, vice Laval, resigned. 2d Lieutenant John Hollingsworth, to be 1st lieutenan, 8th March, 1817, vice M'Intosh, promoted. 2d Lieutenant Bennet Riley, to be 1st lieutenant, 31st March, 1817, vice Heddleston, resigned. Appointments. Perrin Willis, late captain 2d Inft. to be major and assistant-adjutant general, 3d April, 1817. Elisha L. Allen, to be hospital surgeon's-mate, 8th March, 1817. Geo. C. Clitherall, to be hospital surgeon's-mate, 8th March, 1817. John Carpenter, to be hospital surgeon's-mate, 9th April, 1817. W. J. Clark, to be hospital surgeon's-mate, 26th April, 1817. Arthur Nelson, to be surgeon's-mate, 5th Infantry, April 26th, 1817. The officers promoted by this order will report accordingly, subject to the approval of the senate at their next session. By order D. PARKER, Adjt. & Insp. Gen. MARINE CORPS OF THE UNITED STATES. List of officers to be retained in the United States' marine corps, under the act of congress passed on the third day of March, 1817, entitled "an act fix the peace establishment of the marine corps." Franklin Wharton, lieut. colonel commandant. The following eight second lieutenants are pros SECOND Edward S. Nowell Park G. Howle George B. English LIEUTENANTS. Elijah J. Weed Shubeal Butterfield Robert Lyman Augustus De Rumford Three vacancies of second lieutenants, yet to be filled. The number of non-commissioned officers, musi 2d Lieutenant George Kennerly, to be 1st lieu-cians and privates, to be as follows: tenant, 15th Jan. 1817, vice Mountjoy, promoted. 2d Lieutenant R. Humphreys, to be 1st lieutenant, 31st March 1817, vice Houston, promoted. Seventy-three sergeants, seventy-three corporals, forty-two drums and fifes, seven hundred and fifty privates? No. 11 OF VOL. XII.] BALTIMORE, SATURDAY, MAY 10, 1817. [WHOLF NO. 97. Hac olim meminisse juvabit.—VIRGIL. readers. PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY H. NILES, AT THE HEAD OF CHEAPSIDE, AT $5 PER ANNUM. The present number, from the variety of its con-[would advise a colony to pursue, in order to get out a new one. I tents, is calculated to please most descriptions of of the old government and into sketched in words a scheme, which he requested me to give him in writing. Accordingly, the next day I delivered him the following letter. He lent it to his colleague Richard Henry Lee, who asked me to let him print it: to which I consented pro Political Curiosity. The following more properly belongs to the provided he would suppress my name: for if that should posed collection of revolutionary papers than to appear, it would excite a continental clamour the body of the REGISTER itself-but we prefer to among the tories that I was erecting a battering publish it now to invigorate the hopes and ram to demolish the royal government and render strengthen the exertions, of all interested in that independence indispensable. undertaking. The people of the United States will be pleased to see "the first printed essay towards a form of government in this country," written "six months before the declaration of independence," by president ADAMS: and they will remark, with singu. lar pleasure, how nearly, in spirit and form, our Quincy, July 21, 1811. THOUGHTS ON GOVERNMENT: APPLICABLE TO THE PRE SENT STATE OF THE AMERICAN COLONIES; IN A LET- Thoughts on government, &c. republican governments which succeeded that MY DEAR SIR-If I was equal to the task of formdeclaration, have approached the immes sketched ing a plan for the government of a colony, I should in this "marbled colored bagatelle," as Mr. A. be flattered with your request, and very happy to sportively calls it, from its being done up in mar-comply with it; because as the divine science of bled paper. Quincy, April 28th, 1817. SIR-I have received eleven volumes of your Register, well bound and in good order, for which I have paid Mr. Ballard; and I thank you for the promptitude with which you have obliged me. "VIVE LA BAGATELLE." politics is the science of social happiness, and the blessings of society depend entirely on the constitutions of government, which are generally institu. tions that last for many generations, there can be no employment more agreeable to a benevolent mind, than a research after the best. POPE flattered tyrants too much when he said "For forms of government let fools contest, "That which is best administered is best." Nothing can be more fallacious than this: But poets The light sketch enclosed, is at this day of no read history to collect flowers not fruits-they atValue: not even an object of curiosity, except on tend to fanciful images, not the effects of social inaccount of the critical moment in which it was stitutions. Nothing is more certain from the hiscrayoned, six months before the declaration of in-tory of nations, and the nature of man, than that dependence, and as it was the first printed essay some forms of government are better fitted for betowards a form of government in this country. ing well administered than others. As Mr. Taylor of Hazelgrove, Portroyal, Virgi- We ought to consider, what is the end of governnia, has in his late work honored with several pages ment, before we determine which is the best form. of remarks, an imperfect copy of it, it seems right-Upon this point all speculative politicians will that the public should possess an authentic one. agree, that the happiness of society is the end of If you think it worth a place in your Register government, as all divines and moral philosophers you may give it one. If not, I pray you to return it will agree that the happiness of the individual is to me by the post. Indeed in any case I wish to the end of man. From this principle it will follow, bave it restored to me, as I know of no other copy that the form of government, which communicates of Dunlap's edition. ease, comfort, security, or in one word happiness to the greatest number of persons, and in the greatest degree, is the best. You may make what use you please of this letter and all its contents, upon condition you return me my marble coloured Bagatelle. I am, respectfully, your servant, Memorandum by Mr. Adams. All sober enquirers after truth, ancient and mo dern, pagan and Christian, have declared that the happiness of man, as well as his dignity consists in virtue. Confucius, Zoroaster, Socrates, Mahomet, not to mention authorities really sacred, have agreed in this. If there is a form of government then, whose In the winter of 1776 there was much discussion in congress concerning the necessity of indepen- principle and foundation is virtue, will not every dence, and advising the several states to institute sober man acknowledge it better calculated to progovernments for themselves under the immediate mote the general happiness than any other form? Fear is the foundation of most governments; but authority and original power of the people. Great difficulties occurred to many gentlemen, in making is so sordid and brutal a passion, and renders men, a transition from the old governments to the new, in whose breasts it predomina'es, so stupid, and i. e. from the royal to republican governments. In miserable, that Americans will not be likely to ap January 1776, Mr. George Wythe, of Virginia, prove of any political institution which is founded passing an evening with me, asked what plan l'on it Honour is truly sacred, but holds a lower rank | And all these errors ought to be corrected and dein the scale of moral excellence than virtue.-In-fects supplied by some controling power. deed the former is but a part of the latter, and 2. A single assembly is apt to be avaricious, and consequently has not equal pretensions to support in time will not scruple to exempt itself from bura frame of government productive of human hap-thens which it will lay, without compunction, on piness! its constituents. The foundation of every government is some prin- 3. A single assembly is apt to grow ambitious, ciple or passion in the minds of the people.-The and after a time will not hesitate to vote itself pernoblest principles and most generous affections in petual. This was one fault of the long parliament, our nature then, have the fairest chance to support but more remarkably of Holland, whose assembly the noblest and most generous models of govern-first voted themselves from annual to septennial, then for life, and after a course of years, that all ment. A man must be indifferent to the sneers of mo- vacancies happening by death or otherwise, should dern Englishmen, to mention in their company, the be filled by themselves, without any application to names of Sidney, Harrington, Locke, Milton, Ned-constituents at all. ham, Neville, Burnet, and Hoadley-No small forti 4. A representative assembly, although extremetude is necessary to confess that one has read them. ly well qualified, and absolutely necessary as a The wretched condition of this country, however, branch of the legislature, is unfit to exercise the for ten or fifteen years past, has frequently re- executive power, for want of two essential properminded me of their principles and reasonings.ties, secrecy and despatch. They will convince any candid mind, that there is 5. A representative assembly is still less qualifino good government but what is republican. That ed for the judicial power; because it is too numerthe only valuable part of the British constitution is ous, too slow, and too little skilled in the laws. s; because the very definition of a republic, is "an empire of laws, and not of men." That, as a republic is the best of governments, so that particuJar arrangement of the powers of society, or in other words that form of government, which is best contrived to secure an impartial and exact execution of the laws, is the best of republics. Of republics, there is an inexhaustible variety, because the possible combinations of the powers of society, are capable of innumerable variations. 6. Because a single assembly, possessed of all the powers of government, would make arbitrary laws for their own interest, execute all laws arbitrarily for their own interest, and adjudge all controversies in their own favor. But shall the whole power of legislation rest in one assembly? Most of the foregoing reasons apply equally to prove that the legislative power ought to be more complex-to which we may add, that if the legislative power is wholly in one assemAs good government, is an empire of laws, how bly, and the executive in another, or in a single shall your laws be made? In a large society, inha-person, these two powers will oppose and encroach biting an extensive country, it is impossible that upon each other, until the contest shall end in war, the whole should assemble, to make laws: The and the whole power, legislative and executive, be first necessary step then, is, to depute power from usurped by the strongest. the many, to a few of the most wise and good.- The judicial power, in such case, could not meBut by what rules shall you choose your represen-diate, or hold the balance between the two contendtatives? Agree upon the number and qualifications ing powers, because the legislative would under1 of persons, who shall have the benefit of choosing, mine it.-And this shews the necessity too, of givor annex this privilege to the inhabitants of a cer- ing the executive power a negative upon the legistain extent of ground. lative, otherwise this will be continually encroaching upon that. To avoid these dangers let a distinct assembly be constituted, as a mediator between the two extreme branches of the legislature, that which represents the people and that which is vested with the executive power. The principal difficulty lies, and the greatest care should be employed in constituting this representative assembly. It should be in miniature, an exact portrait of the people at large. It should think, feel, reason, and act like them. That it may be the interest of this assembly to do strict justice at all times, it should be an equal represen- Let the representative assembly then elect by tation, or in other words equal interest among the ballot, from among themselves or their constitupeople should have equal interest in it.-Great care ents, or both, a distinct assembly, which for the should be taken to effect this, and to prevent unfair, sake of perspicuity we will call a council. It may partial, and corrupt elections. Such regulations, consist of any number you please, say twenty or however, may be better made in times of greater thirty, and should have a free and independent extranquility than the present, and they will spring ercise of its judgment, and consequently a negative up of themselves naturally, when all the powers of voice in the legislature. government come to be in the hands of the people's These two bodies thus constituted, and made infriends. At present it will be safest to proceed integral parts of the legislature, let them unite, and all established modes to which the people have been familiarised by habit. by joint ballot choose a governor, who, after being stript of most of those badges of domination callA representation of the people in one assembly ed prerogatives, should have a free and indepen. being obtained, a question arises whether all the dent exercise of his judgment, and be made also powers of government, legislative, executive, and an integral part of the legislature. This I know is judicial, shall be left in this body? I think a peo- liable to objections, and if you please you may Pie cannot be long free, nor ever happy, whose go-make him only president of the council, as in Convernment is in one assembly. My reasons for this necticut: But as the governor is to be invested with opinion are as follow: the executive power, with consent of council, I 1. A single assembly is liable to all the vices, think he ought to have a negative upon the legislafollies and frailties of an individual.-Subject to tive. If he is annually elective, as he ought to be, fits of humor starts of passion, flights of enthusi he will always have so much reverence and affecasm, partialities of prejudice, and consequently tion for the people, their representatives and counproductive of hasty results and absurd judgments: 'cillors, that although you give him an independent. exercise of his judgment, he will seldom use it in opposition to the two houses, except in cases the public utility of which would be conspicuous, and some such cases would happen. both should be checks upon that. The judges therefore should always be men of learning and experience in the laws, of exemplary morals, great patience, calmness, coolness and attention. Their minds should not be distracted with jarring inte rests, they should not be dependent upon any man, To these ends they should hold In the present exigency of American affairs, when, by an act of parliament we are put out of the royal protection, and consequently discharged from our or body of men. allegiance; and it has become necessary to assume estates for life in their offices, or in other words government for our immediate security, the gover-their commissions should be during good behaviour, nor, lieutenant governor, secretary, treasurer, comand their salaries ascertained and established by missary, attorney-general, should be chosen by law. For misbehaviour the grand inquest of the joint ballot, of both houses. And these and all colony, the house of representatives, should imother elections, especially of representatives and peach them before the governor and council, where councillors, should be annual, there not being in they should have time and opportunity to make the whole circle of the sciences, a maxim more their defence, but if convicted should be removed infallible than this, "where annual elections end, from their offices, and subjected to such other punishment as shall be thought proper. there slavery begins." These great men, in this respect should be, once a year "Like bubbles on the sea of matter borne, This will teach them the great political virtues of prey. A militia law requiring all men, or with very few exceptions, besides cases of conscience, to be provided with arms and ammunition, to be trained at certain seasons, and requiring counties, towns, or other small districts to be provided with public stocks of ammunition and entrenching utensils, and with some settled plans for transporting provi sions after the militia, when marched to defend This mode of constituting the great offices of their country against sudden invasions, and restate will answer very well for the present, but if, quiring certain districts to be provided with fieldby experiment, it should be found inconvenient, pieces, companies of matrosses, and perhaps some the legislature may at its leisure devise other methods of creating them, by elections of the people regiments of light horse is always a wise instituat large, as in Connecticut, or it may enlarge the tion, and in the present circumstances of our country indispensable. term for which they shall be chosen to seven years, Laws for the liberal education of youth, especialor three years, or for life, or make any other altely of the lower class of people, are so extremely rations which the society shall find productive of wise and useful, that to a humane and generous its ease, its safety, its freedom, or in one word its mind, no expence for this purpose would be thought happiness. extravagant. A rotation of all offices, as well as of represenThe very mention of sumptuary laws will excite tatives and councillors, has many advocates, and is a smile. Whether our countrymen have wisdom contended for with many plausible arguments. It and virtue enough to submit to them I know not. would be attended no doubt with many advantages, But the happiness of the people might be greatly and if the society has a sufficient number of suita promoted by them, and a revenue saved sufficient ble characters to supply the great number of va- to carry on this war forever. Frugality is a great cancies which would be made by such a rotation, revenue, besides curing us of vanities, levities and I can see no objection to it. These persons may be fopperies which are real antidotes to all great, mánallowed to serve for three years, and then be ex-ly and warlike virtues. cluded three years, or for any longer or shorter The governor should have the command of the militia, and of all your armies. The power of pardons should be with the governor and council. But must not all commissions run in the name of a king? No. Why may they not as well run thus, "The colony of to A. B. greeting," and be tested by the governor? Why may not writs, instead of running in the name of the king, run thus, "the colony of to the sheriff," &c. and be tested by the chief justice. Why may not indictments conclude "against the and the dignity o of the colony of peace the same?" Judges, justices and all other officers, civil and military, should be nominated and appointed by the A constitution, founded on these principles, in governor, with the advice and consent of council, troduces knowledge among the people, and inspires unless you choose to have a government more popu- them with a conscious dignity, becoming freemen. tar; if you do, all officers, civil and military, may A general emulation takes place, which causes good be chosen by joint ballot of both houses, or in or humor, sociability, good manners, and good morals der to preserve the independence and importance to be general. That elevation of sentiment, inof each house, by ballot of one house, concurred spired by such a government, makes the common by the other. Sheriffs should be chosen by the people brave and enterprising. That ambition freeholders of counties-so should registers of deeds and clerks of counties. All officers should have commissions, under the hand of the governor and seal of the colony. which is inspired by it makes them sober, industrious and frugal. You will find among them some elegance, perhaps, but more solidity; a little pleasure, but a great deal of business-some politeness, The dignity and stability of government in all but more civility. If you compare such a country its branches, the morals of the people and every with the regions of domination, whether monarchiblessing of society, depends so much upon an up-cal or aristocratical, you will fancy yourself in Arright and skillful administration of justice, that cadia or Elisium. the judicial power ought to be distinct from both If the colonies should assume governments sepa the legislative and executive, and independent up-rately, they should be left entirely to their own on both, that so it may be a check upon both as choice of the forms, and if a continental constitu tion should be formed, it should be a congress, price for the stocks of his own country than for containing a fair and adequate representation of the colonies, and its authority should sacredly be confired to these cases, viz. war, trade, disputes between colony and colony, the post-office and the unappropriated lands of the crown, as they used to be called. These colonies, under such forms of government, and in such a union, would be unconquerable by all the monarchies of Europe. those of a foreign one-this something may be the greater facility with which he can collect the interest, but chiefly in the greater convenience with which he may convert his stock into other kinds of property, at pleasure. The British stocks, from the immense trade carried on in them, answer nearly all the purposes of money, at their current value; and millions on millions of them are bought and sold in the course of a week, without the use You and I, my dear friend, have been sent into of money at all-one kind, or lot, being disposed of life, at a time when the greatest lawgivers of an- and another bought, by certam sets of persons, in quity would have wished to have lived.-How few continual succession. But real purchasers-that of the human race have ever enjoyed an opportuni- is, such as purchase stocks to invest funds for the ty of making an election of government more than receipt of interest, are of little account in the stock of air, soil or climate, for themselves or their chil-market; where the trade goes on, buying and selling, dren. When! before the present epocha, had three without delivery, in numerous cases,like the famous millions of people full power and a fair opportuni-Tulip trade which had its day in Holland, many ty to form and establish the wisest and happiest years ago. The case is different with the American government that human wisdom can contrive? Istocks; these are only to a certain extent in the bope you will avail yourself and your country of market-the trade in them is limited, and they do that extensive learning and indefatigable industry not serve the stock-jobbers and others the purposes which you possess, to assist her in the formations of money, so easily as the British stocks do. A sale of the happiest governments, and the best charac- of them cannot always be effected, at half an hour's ter of a great people.-For myself, I must beg you notice-and hence they are, comparatively, of less to keep my name out of sight, for this feeble at-value, proportioned to the interest payable on them, tempt, if it should be known to be mine, would oblige me to apply to myself those lines of the immortal John Milton, in one of his sonnets, “I did but teach the age to quit their cloggs Public stocks. FROM THE BOSTON CENTINEL. in the British money market. And besides, their amount is too small to engage much of the attention of the great dealers in stocks-who turn in one week as great a value of British stocks as the whole debt of the United States amounts to. But there is another point of view in which the editor of the Boston Centinel might have represented the matter more fairly, if he had pleased. He could have compared three per cents. with three per cents. We have not seen any quotation of the Ame"The public stocks of modern nations have been rican 3 per cents. in the British market, but it may considered the best criteria of the stability of their be presumed they bear the same relation to the governments. By this rule, then, that of Great 6 per cents. there that they do here. The prices Britain is considered as firm as the Peruvian Andes. current at Baltimore, last week, gave 6 per cents. Take an example.-American stocks are considered 1004; and 3 per cents. at 65. The first being 102 to be next in stability;-but American securities, in London, would give the latter there, at the same bearing six per cent. interest, will only command in rate, a little more than 68 pr. ct.-only 2 pr. ct. less specie one or two per cent. above par-whereas than the British 3 per cents. in the British market. British stocks, bearing only three per cent. interest, will command in specie 70 per cent:-which at the rate of six per cent. would be 40 per cent. above par! What will the croakers and boasters say to this?" REMARKS. There is apparently a singular disposition in some American citizens to exalt the character of Great Britain even at the cost of their own country's reputation. The writer of the preceding paragraph seems to have that disposition-for, not content with the facts stated, which he assumes as "the truth,. the whole truth and nothing but the truth" of the matter, he evidently exults at the supposed superior stability of the British government over that of the United States. One might have thought that this would rather be a subject for regret than of pleasure. It is true, when British three per cents. were at 70, in London, American six per cents. were no more than 102: but this is not "criteria of the stability of the governments." There is no man who be lieves that the present American debt will be per petual; it is known to be in a rapid state of reduction, and its period is reasonably calculatedwhereas, there is no man who dreams or supposes that the British debt will ever be paid; it is by all accounted an impossibility to do it. There is, then, something else, besides the presumed "stability" of the respective governments, that makes the British capitalist willing to give a higher comparativel. Further, and to shew that the price of the British 3 per cents. were not raised to 70 for the sake of the interest to be received, we may observe that when the 3 per cents. were at 70, the five per cents. were only 99-As 3 is to 5 so is 70 to 116 2-3—which ought to have been the price of the 5 per cents. instead of 99. Observations on Flour and Bread. The following series of experiments and remarks are deeply interesting to a large portion of our readers; and the facts, so carefully ascertained, will instruct and amuse those who have no need to profit by them. The gentleman who communicated them stands second to no man as a nice observer of truth, and what he alleges on this, as on other occasions, may be entirely relied upon. In his letter, enclosing the article, he says "it was my intention to have carried these experiments "still further, and to have reduced them to a "certain degree of order, which, owing to a va"riety of circumstances, I was compelled to relinquish"-adding, "I now send them to thee, in "their rough state, to be made use of as may be "most agreeable. These experiments were made "with sufficient accuracy, and my notes entered "immediately on weighing the bread,” &c. We have thought that in their "rough state" they are teration of their matter or manner. the most explicit, and have not ventured any al |