and Patten and Boyd had about 6,000. If, therefore, the army that Gen. Price brought with him from the southwest is put as low as 12,000, the total force that he brought to bear on the garrison at Lexington was 21,500. The force of the garrison was only 2,640 men. The loss of water, and the inferiority of numbers caused the surrender. Gen. Price says that the firing was continued for fifty-two hours. The enemy adopted for defence a breast work of hempen bales, which they rolled before them as they advanced. Their loss they state at 25 killed and 72 wounded. The Federal loss in killed and wounded was estimated from 300 to 500. Gen. Fremont, upon hearing of this surrender, sent the following despatch to Washington:

HEAD-QUARTERS, WESTERN Department,
ST. LOUIS, Sept. 23, 1861.

Col. E. D. Townsend, Adjutant-General:
I have a telegram from Brookfield that Lexington
has fallen into Price's hands, he having cut off Mulli-
gan's supply of water. Reenforcements 4,000 strong,
under Sturgis, by the capture of the ferry boats, bad
no means of crossing the river in time. Lane's forces
from the southwest, and Davis' from the southeast, up-
wards of 11,000 in all, could also not get there in time.
I am taking the field myself and hope to destroy the
enemy either before or after the junction of the forces
under McCulloch. Please notify the President imme-
diately. J. C. FREMONT, Major-Gen. Commanding.

Some remarks appeared in the St. Louis "Evening News" a few days after, commenting upon the neglect of the authorities at St. Louis to send out reënforcements, when the paper was immediately suppressed by Gen. Fremont, and its publisher and editor sent to prison, from which they were subsequently unconditionally released.

As a strategetical point, the loss of the town was a serious affair to the Federal cause, and a gain of no small value to the Confederates. Its possession would tend to retain that part of Missouri to the Union side, while its loss would expose Kansas, as well as the northern and western parts of Missouri.

About the 1st of October, on the approach of Gen. Fremont, Lexington was partly evacuated by the Confederate force. On the 16th, Major White, with one hundred and fifty men of the First Missouri, surprised the garrison which remained, and recaptured the town, with all the sick and wounded, also a quantity of guns, pistols, two cannon, and other articles. The garrison numbered about two hundred.

LINCOLN, ABRAHAM. By the election on the 6th November, 1860, he was chosen President of the United States. The vote, as counted by Congress, was proclaimed to be as follows: The whole number of Electors appointed to vote for President of the United States is 303, of which a majority is 152. The state of the vote for President of the United States was:

For Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois,..
For John C. Breckinridge, of Kentucky,.

For John Bell, of Tennessee,.

For Stephen A. Douglas, of Illinois,.

180

72

89

12

lowing, at 8 o'clock, Mr. Lincoln left Springfield, Illinois, for Washington, to undertake the discharge of the duties of his office. Hitherto, amid all the excitement, anxiety, and alarm of the country-the gloom that hung over commerce, the paralysis of trade and manufactures, and the threatening aspect of the South; amid the secession of States, the attempted dismemberment of the Union, and the efforts of the wisest of the Northern States met in a Convention, consisting of an Ex-President, Ex-Cabinet Min isters, Ex-Foreign Ministers, Ex-Senators, ExMembers of the House of Representatives, ExChief-Justices of State Courts, Ex-Chancellors, a Governor and Ex-Governors, and Ex-Attor ney-Generals, to devise measures to stay the im pending ruin; hitherto, indeed, not a word had passed his lips to lift the weight of doubt and trouble that oppressed his countrymen. As he went forth from his humble home to put on the robes of his majestic office, all eyes watched his steps. Secessionist, Unionist, Republican, listened with anxious interest to catch every sound he uttered, as a sign of what the unseen future would be. As he entered the car-house at the Springfield depot, he met over a thousand of his townsmen assembled, to bid him farewell. Shaking hands with them as he approached the train, he then stepped on the platform and spoke as follows:

"My friends: No one not in my position can appreciate the sadness I feel at this parting. To this people I owe all that I am. Here I have lived more than a quarter of a century. Here my children were born, and here one of them lies buried. I know not how soon I shall see you again. A duty devolves upon me which is perhaps greater than that which has devolved upon any other man since the days of Washington. He never would have succeeded except for the aid of Divine Providence, upon which he at all times relied. I feel that I can not succeed without the same Divine aid which sustained him, and in the same Almighty Being I place my reliance for support; and I hope you, my friends, will all pray that I may receive that Divine assistance, without which I cannot succeed, but with which success is certain. Again, I bid you all an affectionate farewell."

Along the route, multitudes assembled at the railway stations to greet the Presidential party. At Toledo, after a salute and in response to repeated calls, Mr. Lincoln appeared on the plat form and said:

importance, attended, as you are aware, with "I am leaving you on an errand of national considerable difficulties. Let us believe, as some poet has expressed it, Behind the cloud the sun is shining still.' I bid you an affectionate farewell."

The party next proceeded to Indianapolis, where Mr. Lincoln was welcomed by the Governor of the State, and escorted to a carriage, when a procession was formed, composed of both Houses of the Legislature, the public offi

firemen. On reaching the "Bates House" the procession halted, and Mr. Lincoln was escorted to the balcony, from which he addressed the people:

"Fellow-citizens of the State of Indiana: I am here to thank you much for this magnificent welcome, and still more for the very generous support given by your State to that political cause, which I think is the true and just cause of the whole country and the whole world. Solomon says there is a time to keep silence;' and when men wrangle by the mouth, with no certainty that they mean the same thing while using the same words, it perhaps were as well if they would keep silence. The words 'coercion and invasion' are much used in these days, and often with some temper and hot blood. Let us make sure, if we can, that we do not misunderstand the meaning of those who use them. Let us get the exact definitions of these words, not from dictionaries, but from the men themselves, who certainly deprecate the things they would represent by the use of the words. What, then, is 'coercion'? What is 'invasion'? Would the marching of an army into South Carolina, without the consent of her people, and with hostile intent towards them, be invasion? I certainly think it would, and it would be coercion' also if the South Carolinians were forced to submit. But if the United States should merely hold and retake its own forts and other property, and collect the duties on foreign importations, or even withhold the mails from places where they were habitually violated, would any or all of these things be invasion' or 'coercion'? Do our professed lovers of the Union, but who spitefully resolve that they will resist coercion and invasion, understand that such things as these, on the part of the United States, would be coercion or invasion of a State? If so, their idea of means to preserve the object of their great affection would seem to be exceedingly thin and airy. If sick, the little pills of the homoeopathist would be much too large for it to swallow. In their view, the Union, as a family relation, would seem to be no regular marriage, but rather a sort of 'free-love arrangement, to be maintained on passional attraction. By the way, in what consists the special sacredness of a State? I speak not of the position as signed to a State in the Union by the Constitution, for that is the bond we all recognize. That position, however, a State cannot carry out of the Union with it. I speak of that assumed primary right of a State to rule all which is less than itself, and to ruin all which is larger than itself. If a State and a County, in a given case, should be equal in extent of territory and equal in number of inhabitants, in what, as a matter of principle, is the State better than the County? Would an exchange of name be an exchange of rights? Upon what principle, upon what rightful principle, may a State, being no more than onefiftieth part of the nation in soil and population,

break up the nation, and then coerce a proportionably larger subdivision of itself in the most arbitrary way? What mysterious right to play tyrant is conferred on a district of country with its people, by merely calling it a State? Fellow-citizens, I am not asserting any thing. I am merely asking questions for you to consider. And now allow me to bid you farewell."

In the evening Mr. Lincoln held a levee until 9 o'clock, when he retired. In the morning, before his departure for Cincinnati, he took occasion to thank his friends for the reception they had given him, and said he trusted they all might meet again under one flag and one Union.

Proceeding thence to Cincinnati, he arrived in the afternoon, and received a most enthusiastic welcome. Having been addressed by the mayor of the city, and escorted by a civic and military procession to the Burnet House, he there addressed the multitude in these words:

"Fellow-citizens: I have spoken but once before this in Cincinnati. That was a year previous to the late Presidential election. On that occasion, in a playful manner, but with sincere words, I addressed much of what I said to the Kentuckians. I gave my opinion that we, as Republicans, would ultimately beat them as Democrats, but that they could postpone the result longer by nominating Senator Douglas for the Presidency than they could in any other way. They did not, in any true sense of the word, nominate Mr. Douglas, and the result has come certainly as soon as ever I expected.

"I also told them how I expected they would be treated after they should have been beaten, and now wish to call their attention to what ĺ then said:

"When we do, as we say we will, beat you, you perhaps want to know what we will do with you. I will tell you-as far as I am authorized to speak for the opposition-what we mean to do with you. We mean to treat you as near as we possibly can, as Washington, Jefferson, and Madison treated you. We mean to leave you alone, and in no way to interfere with your institutions; to abide by all and every compromise of the Constitution. In a word, coming back to the original proposition, to treat you, as far as degenerate men-if we have degenerated-may, according to the example of those noble fathers, Washington, Jefferson, and Madison. We mean to remember that you are as good as we; that there is no difference between us other than the difference of circumstances. We mean to recognize and bear in mind always that you have as good hearts in your bosoms as other people, or as we claim to have, and to treat you accordingly.'

"Fellow-citizens of Kentucky, friends, brethren: May I call you such? In my new posi

tion I see no occasion and feel no inclination

to retract a word of this. If it shall not be made good be assured that the fault shall not be mine." In the evening he had a reception, when large crowds called upon him.

On the next morning, at 9 o'clock, he left Cincinnati, and arrived at Columbus at 2 o'clock. He was received with a national salute and every demonstration of enthusiasm. He visited the Governor in the Executive Chamber, and was subsequently introduced to the members of the Legislature in joint session, when he was formally welcomed by the Lieutenant-Governor, to whom Mr. Lincoln responded in these words: "It is true, as has been said by the President of the Senate, that very great responsibility rests upon me in the position to which the votes of the American people have called me. I am deeply sensible of that weighty responsibility. I cannot but know, what you all know, that without a name-perhaps without a reason why I should have a name-there has fallen upon me a task such as did not rest upon the Father of his Country. And so feeling, I cannot but turn and look for the support without which it will be impossible for me to perform that great task. I turn, then, and look to the American people, and to that God who has never forsaken them.

"Allusion has been made to the interest felt in relation to the policy of the new Administration. In this, I have received from some a degree of credit for having kept silence, from others some depreciation. I still think I was right. In the varying and repeatedly shifting scenes of the present, without a precedent which could enable me to judge for the past, it has seemed fitting, that before speaking upon the difficulties of the country I should have gained a view of the whole field. To be sure, after all, I would be at liberty to modify and change the course of policy as future events might make a change necessary.

"I have not maintained silence from any want of real anxiety. It is a good thing that there is no more than anxiety, for there is nothing going wrong. It is a consoling circumstance that when we look out there is nothing that really hurts anybody. We entertain different views upon political questions, but nobody is suffering any thing. This is a most consoling circumstance, and from it I judge that all we want is time and patience, and a reliance on that God who has never forsaken this people."

On the 14th of February, Mr. Lincoln proceeded to Pittsburg. At Steubenville, on the route, in reply to an address by Judge Lloyd in behalf of the crowd present, he said:

"I fear that the great confidence placed in my ability is unfounded. Indeed, I am sure it is. Encompassed by vast difficulties, as I am, nothing shall be wanted on my part, if sustained by the American people and God. I believe the devotion to the Constitution is equally great on both sides of the river. It is only the different understanding of that instrument that causes difficulty. The only dispute is, 'What are their rights?' If the majority should not rule who should be the judge? Where is such a judge to be found? We should all be bound

by the majority of the American people—if not, then the minority must control. Would that be right? Would it be just or generous? Assuredly not." He reiterated, the majority should rule. If he adopted a wrong policy, then the opportunity to condemn him would occur in four years' time. "Then I can be turned out and a better man with better views put in my place."

He remained at Pittsburg until the next morning, when he left for Cleveland. Before his departure he made an address to the people in which he said:

"In every short address I have made to the people, and in every crowd through which I have passed of late, some allusion has been made to the present distracted condition of the country. It is naturally expected that I should say something upon this subject, but to touch upon it at all would involve an elaborate discussion of a great many questions and circumstances, would require more time than I can at present command, and would perhaps unnecessarily commit me upon matters which have not yet fully developed themselves.

"The condition of the country, fellow-citizens, is an extraordinary one, and fills the mind of every patriot with anxiety and solicitude. My intention is to give this subject all the consideration which I possibly can before I speak fully and definitely in regard to it, so that, when I do speak, I may be as nearly right as possible. And when I do speak, fellow-citizens, I hope to say nothing in opposition to the spirit of the Constitution, contrary to the integrity of the Union, or which will in any way prove inimical to the liberties of the people or to the peace of the whole country. And, furthermore, when the time arrives for me to speak on this great subject, I hope to say nothing which will disappoint the reasonable expectations of any man, or disappoint the people generally throughout the country, especially if their expectations have been based upon any thing which I may have heretofore said.

66

Notwithstanding the troubles across the river, [the speaker, smiling, pointed southwardly to the Monongahela River,] there is really no crisis springing from any thing in the Government itself. In plain words, there is really no crisis except an artificial one. What is there now to warrant the condition of affairs presented by our friends over the river'? Take even their own view of the questions involved, and there is nothing to justify the course which they are pursuing. I repeat it, then, there is no crisis, except such a one as may be gotten up at any time by turbulent men, aided by designing politicians. My advice, then, under such circumstances, is to keep cool. If the great American people will only keep their temper on both sides of the line, the trouble will come to an end, and the question which now distracts the country will be settled just as surely as all other difficulties of like character which have originated in this Gov

ernment have been adjusted. Let the people on both sides keep their self-possession, and just as other clouds have cleared away in due time, so will this, and this great nation shall continue to prosper as heretofore."

He then referred to the subject of the tariff, and said:

"According to my political education, I am inclined to believe that the people in the various portions of the country should have their own views carried out through their representatives in Congress. That consideration of the Tariff bill should not be postponed until the next session of the National Legislature. No subject should engage your representatives more closely than that of the tariff. If I have any recommendation to make, it will be that every man who is called upon to serve the people, in a representative capacity, should study the whole subject thoroughly, as I intend to do myself, looking to all the varied interests of the common country, so that when the time for action arrives, adequate protection shall be extended to the coal and iron of Pennsylvania and the corn of Illinois. Permit me to express the hope that this important subject may receive such consideration at the hands of your representatives, that the interests of no part of the country may be overlooked, but that all sections may share in the common benefits of a just and equitable tariff."

Mr. Lincoln, upon his arrival in Cleveland, also made a speech, in which he adverted to the same subject in the following terms:

"It is with you, the people, to advance the great cause of the Union and the Constitution, and not with any one man. It rests with you alone. This fact is strongly impressed on my mind at present. In a community like this, whose appearance testifies to their intelligence, I am convinced that the cause of liberty and the Union can never be in danger. Frequent allusion is made to the excitement at present existing in national politics. I think there is no occasion for any excitement. The crisis, as it is called, is altogether an artificial crisis. In all parts of the nation there are differences of opinion in politics. There are differences of opinion even here. You did not all vote for the person who now addresses you. And how is it with those who are not here? Have they not all their rights as they ever had? Do they not have their fugitive slaves returned now as ever? Have they not the same Constitution that they have lived under for seventy odd years? Have they not a position as citizens of this common country, and have we any power to change that position? What, then, is the matter with them? Why all this excitement? Why all these complaints? As I said before, this crisis is all artificial. It has no foundation in fact. It was argued up,' as the saying is, and cannot be argued down. Let it alone, and it will go down itself."

On Saturday he proceeded to Buffalo, where he arrived at evening, and was met at the door

of the car by a deputation of citizens, headed by Ex-President Fillmore.

The crowd surrounding the depot numbered not less than 10,000 people. But one company of soldiers and file of police were detailed to act as escort to the party, and it was with the greatest difficulty that they could protect them from being crushed. While passing from the train to the carriages, in the jam, Major Hunter, of the U. S. Army, one of Mr. Lincoln's suite, had his shoulder dislocated. The passage of the procession up Exchange and Main streets to the American Hotel was a perfect ovation. Arriving at the American Hotel, Mr. Lincoln was welcomed in a brief speech by acting Mayor Bemis, to which he made a brief reply, as follows:

"Mr. Mayor and fellow-citizens: I am here to thank you briefly for this grand reception given to me, not personally, but as the representative of our great and beloved country. Your worthy Mayor has been pleased to mention in his address to me, the fortunate and agreeable journey which I have had from home

only it is rather a circuitous route to the Federal Capital. I am very happy that he was enabled, in truth, to congratulate myself and company on that fact. It is true, we have had nothing thus far to mar the pleasure of the trip. We have not been met alone by those who assisted in giving the election to me; I say not alone, but by the whole population of the country through which we have passed. This is as it should be. Had the election fallen to any other of the distinguished candidates instead of myself, under the peculiar circumstances, to say the least, it would have been proper for all citizens to have greeted him as you now greet me. It is evidence of the devotion of the whole people to the Constitution, the Union, and the perpetuity of the liberties of this country. I am unwilling, on any occasion, that I should be so meanly thought of, as to have it supposed for a moment that these demonstrations are tendered to me personally. They are tendered to the country, to the institutions of the country, and to the perpetuity of the liberties of the country for which these institutions were made and created. Your worthy Mayor has thought fit to express the hope that I may be able to relieve the country from the present, or, I should say, the threatened difficulties. I am sure I bring a heart true to the work. For the ability to perform it, I trust in that Supreme Being who has never forsaken this favored land, through the instrumentality of this great and intelligent people. Without that assistance I should surely fail; with it I cannot fail. When we speak of threatened difficulties to the country, it is natural that it should be expected that something should be said by myself with regard to particular measures. Upon more mature reflection, however,-and others will agree with me-that when it is considered that these difficulties are without precedent, and never have been acted upon by any

sible.

individual situated as I am, it is most proper I should wait and see the developments, and get all the light possible, so that when I do speak authoritatively, I may be as near right as posWhen I shall speak authoritatively, I hope to say nothing inconsistent with the Constitution, the Union, the rights of all the States, of each State, and of each section of the country, and not to disappoint the reasonable expectations of those who have confided to me their votes. In this connection, allow me to say, that you, as a portion of the great American people, need only to maintain your composure, stand up to your sober convictions of right, to your obligations to the Constitution, and act in accordance with those sober convictions, and the clouds which now arise in the horizon will be dispelled, and we shall have a bright and glorious future; and when this generation shall have passed away, tens of thousands shall inhabit this country where only thousands inhabit it now. I do not propose to address you at length. I have no voice for it. Allow me again to thank you for this magnificent reception, and bid you farewell."

On Monday, Mr. Lincoln proceeded from Buffalo to Albany. Here he was met by the Mayor and City Councils and the Legislative Committees, and, after some brief formalities, was conducted to the Capitol, where he was welcomed by Governor Morgan, and responded briefly as follows:

"Governor Morgan: I was pleased to receive an invitation to visit the Capital of the great Empire State of this nation, while on my way to the Federal Capital. I now thank you, and you, the people of the capital of the State of New York, for this most hearty and magnificent welcome. If I am not at fault, the great Empire State at this time contains a larger population than did the whole of the United States of America at the time they achieved their National Independence; and I was proud to be invited to visit its capital, to meet its citizens as I now have the honor to do. I am notified by your Governor that this reception is tendered by citizens without distinction of party. Because of this I accept it the more gladly. In this country, and in any country where freedom of thought is tolerated, citizens attach themselves to political parties. It is but an ordinary degree of charity to attribute this act to the supposition that, in thus attaching themselves to the various parties, each man in his own judgment supposes he thereby best advances the interests of the whole country. And when an election is passed, it is altogether befitting a free people that, until the next election, they should be one people. The reception you have extended me to-day is not given to me personally. It should not be so, but as the representative, for the time being, of the majority of the nation. If the election had fallen to any of the more distinguished citizens, who received the support of the people, this same honor should have greeted him that greets me

this day, in testimony of the unanimous devo tion of the whole people to the Constitution, the Union, and to the perpetual liberties of succeeding generations in this country. I have neither the voice nor the strength to address you at any greater length. I beg you will therefore, accept my most grateful thanks for this manifest devotion-not to me, but to the institutions of this great and glorious country."

He was then conducted to the Legislative halls, and received by the members with demonstrations of respect. Here, in reply to an address of welcome, he made a more formal speech, in which he again adverted to the troubles of the country in the following terms:

“Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Legislature of the State of New York: It is with feelings of great diffidence, and, I may say, feelings even of awe, perhaps greater than I have recently experienced, that I meet you here in this place. The history of this great State, the renown of its great men, who have stood in this chamber, and have spoken their thoughts, all crowd around my fancy, and incline me to shrink from an attempt to address you. Yet I have some confidence given me by the generous manner in which you have invited me, and the still more generous manner in which you have received me. You have invited me and received me without distinction of party. I could not, for a moment, suppose that this has been done in any considerable degree with any reference to my personal self. It is very much more grateful to me that this reception and the invitation preceding it, were given to me as the representative of a free people, than it could possibly have been, were they but the evidence of devotion to me or to any one man. It is true that, while I hold myself, without mock-modesty, the humblest of all the individuals who have ever been elected President of the United States, I yet have a more difficult task to perform than any one of them has ever encountered. You have here generously tendered me the support, the united support, of the great Empire State. For this, in behalf of the nation-in behalf of the President and of the future of the nation-in behalf of the cause of civil liberty in all time to come-I most gratefully thank you. I do not propose now to enter upon any expressions as to the particular line of policy to be adopted with reference to the difficulties that stand before us in the opening of the incoming Administration. I deem that it is just to the country, to myself, to you, that I should see every thing, hear every thing, and have every light that can possibly be brought within ny reach to aid me before I shall speak officially, in order that, when I do speak, I may have the best possible means of taking correct and true grounds. For this reason, I do not now announce any thing in the way of policy for the new Administration. When the time comes, according to the custom of the Government, I shall speak, and speak as well as I am able for the good of the