England recognized the Confederacy as a belligerent power-a government which, under the usages of nations, had the right to make war. This unseemly haste on the part of Great Britain was regarded by the people of the Northern States as an intentional expression of sympathy and good-will to the seceded States, and of unfriendliness to the United States Government-as if it would be a pleasure to England to see the Republic of the Western World broken up. This recognition of the Confederacy as a war-making power indicated that at some future time Eng land might recognize the Confederacy as a Nation. It gave to the government of Jefferson Davis the same hospitality given to that of Abraham Lincoln. It was regarded by the people of the United States as an intentional affront. England and France both announced that during the war they would maintain a strict neutrality, taking no part with either side. The London newspapers said that President Lincoln, when he established the blockade, immediately after the firing on Fort Sumter, recognized the Confederacy as a belligerent power; but the President had proposed to close the ports instead of declaring a blockade, whereupon Lord Lyons informed him that England would not submit to such a measure, and there was, therefore, no other course for the President to pursue.

In 1856 commissioners from nearly all the European nations had come to an agreement in Paris, and signed a declaration as to the course they would pursue in future wars. Up to that time, whenever a war broke out, private individuals were allowed to fit out armed vessels to destroy the commerce of the nation with whom their own nation was at war; but they agreed that in future wars there should be no privateering. They also agreed that the flag of a nation which was not at war should protect all goods not contraband of war, and that such goods were not to be liable to capture even when under the enemy's flag; also that a blockade, to be respected, must be maintained by a force sufficient to prevent any passage of vessels to or from a blockaded port. This declaration was signed by the representatives of France, England, Austria, Prussia, and Sardinia, all of whom agreed that it should not be binding on any government unless accepted by such government. It was not signed by the United States, nor by Mexico.

Lord John Russell, acting in concert with France, instructed Lord Lyons to endeavor to obtain the agreement of the United States and of the Confederate Government to the declaration. He was to communicate with Jefferson Davis through the consul at Charleston or New Orleans, who had received their exequaturs, or official recognitions, from the United States. Such a procedure was regarded by the people of the United

States as unwarranted by international courtesy-an unprecedented action prejudicial to the United States.

The Confederate Government rejected the article which related to the fitting out of privateers, but accepted the others. The great fleet of ships owned by citizens of the United States might be captured or destroyed by privateers, and great damage done to the merchants and ship-owners of the Northern States; whereas the merchants of Charleston, Wilmington, and Mobile had no ships, and would therefore lose nothing.

Through the years preceding the war, in the ship-yards of Maine and Massachusetts there had been a clattering of axes and hammers-the constructing of vessels which had outsailed the swiftest ships of Great Britain in ocean races from China to Liverpool. Americans were doing a large amount of the carrying trade of the world, which aroused the jealousy and envy of the English ship-owners and merchants, who were pleased to learn that the Confederate Congress had accepted the articles relating to goods not contraband of war, and they did not complain because the declaration in regard to privateering was not accepted, for their goods would not be molested; whereas, on the other hand, goods manufactured

in the United States would be liable to capture, while the merchant-vessels flying the Stars and Stripes would be swept from the ocean, which would put money into their purses.

Mr. Seward, Secretary of State, offered to accept all the articles; but as the Confederate Government had not consented to abandon privateering, both England and France rejected the offer. Such was the attitude. assumed by those countries at the beginning of the war. Mr. Seward expressed the sentiments of the people of the United States when he wrote these words:

"It is manifest in the tones of the speakers as well as in popular discussion that neither the responsible ministers, nor the House of Commons, nor the active portion of the people of Great Britain sympathize with this Government, or hope, or even wish for its success in suppressing the insurrection; and that, on the contrary, the whole British nation, speaking practically, desire and expect the dismemberment of the Republic."

The action of England and France was so expressive of sympathy that Jefferson Davis appointed John M. Mason, of Virginia, and John Slidell, of Louisiana, as ministers to those countries. They went to Wilmington, North Carolina,(3) but there were so many United States war-ships keeping watch at that port for vessels running the blockade they did not dare to sail. thought of making a long and tiresome journey to Matamoras in Mexico, but went to Charleston instead, where they found the steamship Gordon. and paid the captain ten thousand dollars in gold to take them from that port to Havana-a very large price for so short a voyage. At Havana they took passage on the steamer Trent, carrying the British mail, for St. Thomas, intending to take another vessel at that port for England. Commodore Charles H. Wilkes, of the United States war-ship San Jacinto, was waiting for the Trent in the Bahama Channel. He stopped that vessel, seized Messrs. Mason and Slidell, with their secretaries. The question arose in his mind whether he had the right to do so. There was no doubt that he had a right to capture written despatches.

"I considered them," said Commodore Wilkes, "as the embodiment of despatches....() The cargo was also liable, as all the shippers were knowing to the embarkation of these live despatches, and their traitorous motives and actions to the Union of the United States." He did not, however, seize the vessel, as under the law of nations he had a right to do, if his theory of action was right and proper, because he could not spare men from the San Jacinto to man her, and because there were many passengers on board who would have been greatly disturbed by such action.

The San Jacinto sailed into Boston harbor, and the captured Confed

erates were placed for safe-keeping in Fort Warren, on an island, the place where the song of "John Brown" was first sung, and where, it is quite likely, Mason and Slidell heard it as they sat in the evening in the comfortable quarters provided for them. During the summer the Boston Light Infantry had been quartered there. Some of the soldiers were accustomed to hold prayer meetings in the evening when off duty. This is one of their songs:

2

"Say, brothers, will you meet us,
Say, brothers, will you meet us,
Say, brothers, will you meet us
On Canaan's happy shore?"

The melody had been sung in many camp-meetings long before the war began.() One of the soldiers bore the name of John Brown. He was from Scotland, always good-natured. His messmates made fun of him. for being a little behindhand at times. They asked, "Where's John Brown?" Then came the answer: "Oh, he's dead. They hung him down in Old Virginia." There was a laugh, and then one said, "His body is mouldering in the grave." All of which John Brown from Scotland took in good part. The jolly members of the company improvised other words. One member-James E. Greenleaf-played the organ in church on Sunday when at home in Charlestown. His friend, C. S. Hall, came to see him, and together they arranged some verses which were printed by Mr. Hall, the music arranged by Mr. Marsh. In a few days all the boys on the street, working-men, teamsters, clerks were singing it. Regiments departing for Washington took it up, and a few weeks later the entire army was singing the apotheosis of the man who had been hung in Virginia, and whom the world had regarded as either a lunatic or a fanatic, but who precipitated the mighty conflict.

There was great rejoicing in Boston when the San Jacinto sailed into the harbor. A meeting was held in Faneuil Hall, and resolutions of thanks to Commodore Wilkes adopted. Congress approved his action. The Secretary of the Navy thanked him. Far different the state of affairs in England when it was learned, on November 27th, that a United States war

ship had stopped a British merchant steamer and seized the Confederate ministers. It was looked upon as an affront to Great Britain so flagrant that if Mason and Slidell were not given up on demand and a fitting apology tendered, it was the duty of England to instantly declare war against the United States. There was bustle and preparation at Portsmouth, where the great fleet of war-vessels were lying, shipments of powder, shot, and shell, mustering of crews, the returning, in hot haste, of all absent officers; eight thousand soldiers were ordered to Canada to be ready to strike a quick blow to avenge the insult. The heaviest-armed ships of the navy sailed, or prepared to sail, for Halifax to be ready to send the whole of the insignificant vessels of the United States Navy, which had been fitted up to blockade the Southern ports, to the bottom of the sea; to bombard Bos