our acts. We had emancipated them, and now there was, it seemed to me, a peril that' they would be held accountable and made to feel the edge of wrath, and I said we must stand by them. When, in 1866, a very commendable effort was made to reconstruct the country and bring it in harmony without saying one word in behalf of the blacks, I was not ready. It was said, let the States do it. But who are the States? You mean the whites of the States. So I held back, refused to join that movement, because it seemed to me that no guarantee or assurance was given that the black people of the South would be fairly treated. We went on demanding that they should be enfranchised, and they were enfranchised. Their rights are just as assured as yours and mine; they are better assured than those of the Southern whites, for, while there are no black men disfranchised, there are a good many white men who are allowed no voice in the disposition of their own property, while men without property vote it away and mortgage by enormous debt, so that at this hour I do believe there are States in this Union where the mortgage created by unjust and unrighteous legislation, in the form of public debts, salaries, etc., is equal to more than half of the entire value of the property. It amounts to a confiscation of the property. The men who own the property are allowed no voice. They cannot vote, and the men who own no property vote the taxes, and it is now mortgaged until the owners sink into despair. Now, it seems to me that the time has come when we, who have been generous as well as just to the blacks of the South, should begin to be generous, or at least just, to the whites of the South. They were our enemies. They are so no longer. They did oppose the measures which we deemed necessary to the public safety and well-being, but those measures were carried, and they no longer oppose them. They, through the Democratic National Convention at Baltimore, in July last, give an authentic expression of their sentiments. They said we accept the results of the war, we accept emancipation, we utterly repudiate the idea that the slaves are to be paid for or the rebel debt paid, or anything like this. We ask only to be admitted on the common platform of American citizenship, standing there equal with those who were once our slaves, equal with you who were once and now again our countrymen. I think that offer might be accepted. I think the Northern people who fought against them, who vanquished them, can now afford to be generous, and can unite with them under one flag, with one law for rich and poor, white and black, and we of the North will remember only what is good and just, and will clasp hands with our iate enemies, now our countryin genuine, in hearty, fraternal union. These were my sentiments. You have heard them in the past. You know how often they have exposed me to bitter hostility from old friends. Men could not see that my effort to go bail for Jeff. Davis had nothing to do with him. He was but one man. It was an overture to the whole Southern people. There were millions of men who felt that act as a kindness to their section. For their sake I deemed it wise to do as I did, and so on other occasions like this. There had not been three days passed since the armies of Lee had surrendered till I was pleading with my Northern brethren to treat them with forbearance. I told them you will make a great mistake if you stain your victory with one drop of blood. [A gentleman here whispered to Mr. Greeley that the train would start in five minutes.] Since I have but five minutes more let me improve them to this purpose. You see men all around me who say I shall be defeated. But I cannot be defeated. I may not succeed as a candidate, but the effort I am making to bring the people into more trusting relations with each other cannot fail. It must succeeed. This day men are on the stump all over the country trying to prove that Grant has been more magnanimous towards the Southern States than I have been. I don't want to contradict that. I want the two parties to take a running race to see which can be the most magnanimous and generous. That is a part of this contest. Suppose I am beaten. They cannot go back on the record I have made any more than the record which the party made at Baltimore. If I were beaten to-morrow, you would find them coming in next winter with a bill of nearly universal amnesty, so then in a few years we will drag them up to it. Do your duty, therefore, citizens of Pennsylvania. Do whatever you think right and best, and believe that out of all this strife and contention, this bitterness and proscription, a Divine Providence is working out beneficent and glorious ends for the future of our country. men, Mr. Greeley made several more speeches in Pennsylvania on his homeward journey; but the foregoing will, I trust, amply suffice to demonstrate the remarkable character of this canvass. The reports of the speeches are those sent to the country by telegraph, and are in most instances abbreviated. I have used these in order that I might, in the space which I could properly use for the purpose, give as much as possible of the substantial portions of these notable addresses. In his famous examination by the Committee of the British House of Commons on the newspaper tax, Mr. Greeley said, it will be recollected, that American journals used the telegraph a hundred times as much as the English. One of the most admirable illustrations of the surpassing enterprise of American journalism was in the reports of Mr. Greeley's speeches during his tour in the West daily sent by telegraph to every portion of the country. Mr. Greeley's own opinion of his Western tour, and of election probabilities, may be gathered from a letter he wrote to his friend, Defrees, soon after his return: NEW-YORK, September 29, 1872. MY FRIEND: - I have yours of the 25th. I went West under a cloud, but resolved to do my best. I did it quietly and missed several chances to make grave mistakes. I hope I did good; and I feel confident that Ohio as well as Indiana is with us to-day. So is Pennsylvania, but she may be bought; Indiana (I think) cannot, and I hope the same for Ohio. Yours, JOHN D. DEFREES, ESQ., Washington, D. C. HORACE GREELEY. APPENDIX E. IN MEMORIAM. Numerous Expressions of Public Bodies, and the Public Press, in regard to Mr. Greeley's Life and Character. UNITED STATES CONGRESS. On Monday December 2, soon after the assembling of the House of Representatives, the following proceedings occurred: Mr. Dawes - Mr. Speaker, I think all will concur in the propriety of a public recognition of an event so impressive, and so without a parallel in the history of this country, as that which has recently transpired; and I therefore deem it proper to offer the following resolution: "Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives (the Senate concurring), That in view of the recent death of Horace Greeley, for whom at the late election more than three million votes were cast for President, a record be made in the Journals of Congress of appreciation for the eminent services and personal purity and worth of the deceased, and of the sad impression created by his death following keen family bereavement." After appropriate remarks by Mr. Cox, of New York, the resolution was unanimously adopted. THE NEW-YORK COMMON COUNCIL. Special meetings of both branches of the Common Council were held on Monday, December 2, to take action in relation to the death of Mr. Greeley. In the Board of Aldermen, Alderman Vance was appointed Chairman pro tem. General Cochrane: Mr. President, I understand that the Board has been organized in view of the event which has shrouded the city with gloom. It needs no elaborate speech to designate the occasion properly. The death of Horace Greeley inclines rather to silence than to speech. Language is feeble to measure the extent of our loss, and certainly, if referable to all that he has done, and to what, if living, he still might do, would better be left unattempted. He was our fellow-citizen. Here was his chosen home, and here were his daily walks. While here he was beloved; it was elsewhere that respect and admiration attended upon him. But beloved by us who knew him, and honoured and esteemed by all who had heard of him, he has nevertheless gone from among us, leaving a name great and renowned. I have the honour to introduce the following resolutions: Resolved, That we deplore the death of Horace Greeley. The public, in the interval since its unexpected announcement, has evinced a just sense of the magnitude of the loss to itself and to the civilized world. His was the wisdom that linked scienee to daily pursuits, the philosophy that embraced the human race within commensurate benevolence, the religion that excluded none from its gracious fold. In the quest of truth he was unwearied, in the practice of virtue humble, but stern in dispensing its inexorable laws. With sensibilities as tender as those of a child, yet his purity of heart installed him the censor of every human vice. He was the moral teacher of the age. In affairs a philosopher, in politics a statesman, and in ethics a sage, he wrought them all practically into the greatest journalist of our time. Resolved, That we do not forget, in the general gloom, the poignancy of private grief, and we here tender to the surviving family our heartfelt commiseration. Resolved, That Horace Greeley having grown in our city to be the man he was, his obsequies should be so celebrated that the people whom he loved may generally participate therein. We therefore direct that the Governor's Room in the City Hall be prepared, where his body shall lie in state at public view during Tuesday, Dec. 3, between the hours of 9 A. M. and 10 P. M. Resolved, That it is hereby recommended to our citizens to close their respective places of business and refrain from any secular employment on the day set apart for solemnizing the funeral rites and ceremonies; that the members of the Common Council will attend the funeral in a body, with their staves of office, and draped in mourning, and will wear a badge of mourning for a period of thirty days; that the flags on the City Hall and the other pubic buildings be displayed at half-mast from sunrise till sunset, and the owners or masters of vessels in the harbour, and the owners or occupants of buildings in this city, be requested to display their flags at half-mast on that day, and that a joint Committee of five members of each branch of the Common Council be appointed to perfect the above, and, after consultation with the Mayor and heads of Departments of the Municipal Government, make such other and further arrangements as to them may appear better calculated more clearly and impressively to manifest sorrow for the death and reverence for the memory of the deceased. The resolutions were seconded by Alderman Van Schaick, and were unanimously adopted. THE CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT COMMISSION AT ALBANY. ALBANY, Dec. 5.-The Commission to amend the Constitution has adjourned until January 8. Before adjournment the Hon Erastus Brooks offered the following: "Resolved, That the members of this Commission, to prepare and propose amendments to the Constitution of the State, share in the general sorrow of the people at the death of Horace Greeley, so long one of their most distinguished fellow-citizens; and that, fully recognizing his eminent services to the commonwealth, the country, and mankind, there be entered upon the journal of the proceedings this expression of our regret at the great public loss, and our sincere sympathy with the greatly bereaved family of the deceased." Mr. Brooks made the following remarks: Mr. PRESIDENT-I trust it will not be deemed out of place, nor out of time, to call the attention of this Commission to an event which, within the week past, has attracted the attention of the people of the State and of the country at large. Coming from the great metropolis of our commonwealth, as one yesterday taking part in the obsequies of the occasion, perhaps I am unduly impressed with the very marked and peculiar sorrow manifested by the people in the death and burial of Horace Greeley. In my long residence in New-York, extending over thirty-six years, I have seen no such demonstration there or elsewhere. It was a tribute of a great multitude of living men to the memory of the distinguished dead; honour to a man without title, without office, and all of whose earthly honours now lie in the grave. ** Mr. Greeley was, indeed, a great worker in thought and brain and hand. He loved and served mankind, and found his best happi IN MEMORIAM. ness and hereafter, if not here, his greatest reward in serving his fellow-men. He wrote as Franklin wrote-with simplicity, force, and effect. He was eminently practical in life and thought. His pen and tongue reached all classes and conditions of people, and he laboured for the benefit of all mankind. Though not without ambition, he preferred duty to honourable place, and more than once, against the advice of old friends, he sacrificed high preferment in office, even the highest in the State, by a bold and manly obedience to conscience. He has gone from among us, and in the commonwealth where he lived so long, and whose policy in the past he so largely molded, I trust it is not unbecoming to pause a moment in our deliberations to pay this tribute to the memory of the dead. The resolution was unanimously adopted by a rising vote. THE NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC COMMITTEE. The National Democratic Committee issued the following circular: HEADQUARTERS OF THE NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC COMMITTEE, The National Democratic Convention did, in July, 1872, with a unanimity unprecedented in the history of the party, nominate, as their candidate for the office of President Six States cast their electoral vote of the United States, Horace Greeley, of New York. for him at the late election, and millions of men in other States, where we failed of success, testified their appreciation of his noble character, and the great service he had rendered the country, by voting our electoral ticket. But Horace Greeley is dead, and the splendour of the political victory achieved by his opponents is now diminished by the sorrow which this sad event has cast upon the people whom he loved, and who regarded him as one of the best, truest, and bravest of men. The lessons of his pure and blameless life will long remain impressed upon the age in which he lived. Every beat in his great heart was in sympathy with humanity in its broadest form; he loved the Government; he loved his fellow-men; and the labours of his whole life were to elevate the condition of mankind. No struggle for liberty, civil or religious, was ever made on the surface of the earth since his manhood began with which he did not affectionately sympathize, and to which he failed to give cheerful and powerful aid. Every day of his life abounded with acts of kindness, of charity, of forgiveness, and of love. Not his stricken family alone, but a stricken people, sorrow for a loss wholly inscrutable, and almost unparalleled. The National Democratic Committee, in behalf of the great party who achieved honour by their faithful effort to elect him to the first office in the Government, will do all in their power to honour his name and memory. AUGUSTUS SCHELL, Chairman National Democratic Committee. The Legislatures of many States, the Common Councils of many cities, a large number of political committees, meetings of Presidential electors in various States, clubs, literary and other societies, passed resolutions of Preachers of all respect and kindly affection for this great friend of man. denominations, in all parts of the country, spoke lovingly of the man who had loved all men. The press, almost without exception, gave to Horace Greeley greater, warmer praise than it had ever before given to any person. I can make room for only a tithe of these expressions: From The New-York Tribune, December 5. The generation that most misses him is the generation that he finely touched to so fine issues. Thirty years ago two classes of young men awaited him. The first was made up of farmers, mechanics, artisans; industrious and thrifty fellows, strong, honest, and capable, but coarse, narrow, and uncultured. To them The Tribune came as the reve |