MR. GREELEY AS AN AUTHOR

505

he made special mention of the valuable lessons he had learned from Mr. Greeley upon the subject of fencing.

From the foregoing account of the works written by Horace Greeley it is believed general readers may make a not inaccurate estimate of him as an author. It is to be considered that the profession of journalism is so exacting, and so constant in its exactions, that it is not conducive to the literary habit. It does not, except in extraordinary minds, tend to intellectual growth. And this because it does not leave leisure for calm reflection. Wisdom comes not of much knowledge but of much thinking. Sufficient unto the day is the evil thereof, saith the Scripture. Sufficient unto the day is the labour thereof, says the journalist. He is apt to remain about the same yesterday, to-day, and forever. The time will come, I trust soon, when journalists will not be so overworked as . has been too generally the case since the great development of the modern public press. Up to this time, the demand for capable journalists has been greater than the supply. I mean here precisely what I say; neither less nor more. The consequence is, of course, that capable journalists are required to write so much that they have little time for anything else; seldom enough for literary labour requiring persistent study and profound meditation. That our journalism does not suffer herefrom is evident from its recognized excellence. But what our journalism has gained, literature has, in a degree at least, lost.

That Mr. Greeley founded a great and enduring journal, ever directing its management, ever performing more labour for it than any other person, and also succeeded as an author, is proof of most remarkable capacity of intellectual labour. His "American Conflict" will be, I think, an enduring monument to his fame. If there are passages in it of a too controversial nature - rather in the editorial than in the historical style there are very many others of surpassing beauty and power; while the whole is an attestation of conscientious research, impartiality, and genius. His "Recollections of a Busy Life" is one of the best of autobiographies; crowded full of clear, beautiful

passages, with some of almost heavenly tenderness and many of sublime magnanimity. I confess that I have a great partiality for "What I know of Farming." It is a home book for home people on their farms. It is full of homely wisdom. It is one of the people speaking to the people, as one of them never before spake. It is not impossible that it may have a longer life than many volumes far more pretentious.

Whilst, therefore, we may justly place a high estimate upon Mr. Greeley as an author, he will not occupy the preëminent position in the literature of his country that he attained in journalism. To authorship he gave a divided affection; his whole heart to The New-York Tribune.

CHAPTER XXVII.

1868 TO 1872.

The Presidential Campaign of 1868 - Nomination of General Grant by the Republicans and of Horatio Seymour by the Democrats - Mr. Greeley Supports General Grant - The Canvass - Success of the Republicans-President Grant's First Cabinet-He Secures the Wrath of Professional Politicians - Mr. Greeley at First Sustains the Administration A Candidate for Congress Against S. S. Cox The "Revenue Reform " Movement - The Formation of a New Party Undertaken The Ideas of Its Representative Men - Mr. Greeley Not at First in the Movement.

LET us now recur again to the life of Mr. Greeley as connected with public affairs. The political question which most elicited discussion from the time of the close of the war up to the political campaign of 1868 was that of the Reconstruction of the South. There were other topics which at times largely engaged the public attention, as, for example, the remarkable contest between Congress and President Johnson,—but they were connected with this absorbing issue, and, generally, grew out of it. It may be stated that Mr. Greeley's policy of reconstruction was more comprehensive in its philanthropy than that of most of his long political co-labourers of the North. He not only demanded the strongest guarantees for the complete emancipation of the blacks, but the removal of all disabilities whatever, by which the whites of the South who had participated in the rebellion were affected. Horace Greeley's policy contemplated that the republic should be wholly emancipated from all the ill effects of slavery and of the war. Upon no other basis, he thought, could there be a just, free, and enduring Union. "Universal amnesty; impartial suffrage," such was his terse expression constantly used in The Tribune.

It is worthy of remark that though Mr. Greeley was by many

in the Republican party criticised, in respect of what they regarded as his too generous policy of reconstruction, yet did the party at length adopt his views, both by national platform and congressional legislation. It is also noteworthy that where this policy was adopted in Southern States, its practical operations were found to result in the prosperity and progress of those commonwealths; in the great and valuable victories of .peace.

The political campaign of 1868 was one of issues which rather looked back upon the past than forward to the future, or even round about upon the present. Though the war had been terminated three years before in the complete triumph of the Union cause, the political operations of the Presidential canvass were chiefly devoted to war. Many an orator

"Wept o'er his wounds, or, tales of sorrow done,

Shouldered his crutch and showed how fields were won."

Many another stump hack made "that same old speech" which, during the exciting time of war, had aroused the patriotism of innumerable country school-houses. If the forensic efforts, quite generally, of the Republican orators of 1868 could be faithfully daguerreotyped for future generations, future generations would infer that the republic, in 1868, was in the midst of a desperate conflict of arms.

Nor was this singular canvass, in thus recurring chiefly to the past, altogether unreasonable. It was but right that the recent triumph of arms should be allowed to have all its legitimate advantages, in politics as in other respects. The extreme length to which this claim was pressed in many instances, however, would simply have changed the form of Southern slavery, not have removed the curse. We should have had the practical enslavement of the whites instead of the blacks. Against such mistaken and narrow policy Horace Greeley waged constant and earnest opposition, as well before as after the inauguration of the campaign resulting in General Grant's election.

The National Convention of the Republicans for the year was held at the city of Chicago. The proceedings were not

characterized by specially notable enthusiasm. The most noteworthy event of the occasion, perhaps, was a speech by the Hon. John M. Palmer, candidate for Governor of the State of Illinois, in which he took high ground in favour of the payment of the national debt, and by cogent reasoning advocated the reduction of the burden of annual taxation. Mr. Palmer's views were incorporated into the platform.

There was no candidate for the Presidency named, except General Grant, who, on motion of General John A. Logan, of Illinois, was unanimously nominated. Messrs. Schuyler Colfax, of Indiana, Reuben E. Fenton, of New York, Henry Wilson, of Massachusetts, B. F. Wade, of Ohio, and Andrew G. Curtin, of Pennsylvania, were the principal candidates for Vice-President. Mr. Colfax was nominated on the third ballot,—a fact which was largely due to the constant and efficient labours in that behalf of Mr. John D. Defrees of Indiana, powerfully seconded by the no less earnest work of ex-Senator Henry S. Lane. The Democratic Convention was held subsequently in the city of New-York. After an animated contest, Horatio Seymour, of New York, received the nomination as candidate for President, General Francis P. Blair, of Missouri, that as Vice-President.

The singularity of this canvass was, as has been said, that it was conducted, on the part of the Republicans, on the heroic plan, as though the nation were still at war,--and by the Democrats on questions of finance which, as presented, the people were not able to understand. In fact, the New-York convention made two mistakes; committed two sins of omission, either of which was fatal to success. One of these was the defeat of Chief Justice Chase for the Presidential nomination; the other, the adoption of a platform failing unreservedly to recognize the utter defeat of Secession and to deinand for the restored Union all the advantages justly belonging to its triumph. These omissions demonstrated that there was no new departure by the Democratic party, and left that organization to fight it out on the wrong side, upon grave questions growing out of the recent war, which the people believed formed the paramount issues of the times. It was impossible