Marshal General of the War Department, with the approval of the Secretary of War.

Fifth. Necessary expenses incurred in this service will be paid on duplicate bills certified by the special Provost Marshals, stating time and nature of service, after examination and approval by the Provost Marshal General.

Sixth. The compensation of special Provost Marshals will bedollars per month, and actual travelling expenses, and postage will be refunded on bills certified under oath and approved by the Provost Marshal General.

Seventh. All appointments in this service will be subject to be revoked at the pleasure of the Secretary of War.

Eighth. All orders heretofore issued by the War Department, couferring authority upon other officers to act as Provost Marshals, except those who received special commissions from the War Department, are hereby revoked.

By order of the Secretary of War,

L. THOMAS, Adjutant-General.

P.

COMMISSION OF ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS TO ESTABLISH CARTEL FOR EXCHANGE OF PRISONERS, REFERRED TO ON PAGE 566 OF THE TEXT.

RICHMOND, 2d July, 1863.

HON. ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS, Richmond, Va.:

SIR:-Having accepted your patriotic offer to proceed as a Military Commissioner, under flag of truce, to Washington, you will herewith receive your letter of authority to the Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy of the United States.

This letter is signed by me as Commander-in-Chief of the Confederate Land and Naval forces.

You will perceive, from the terms of the letter, that it is so worded as to avoid any political, difficulties in its reception. Intended exclusively as one of those communications between Belligerents which public law recognizes as necessary and proper between hostile forces, care has been taken to give no pretext for refusing to receive it on the ground that it would involve a tacit recognition of the independence of the Confederacy. Your mission is simply one of humanity, and has no political aspect. If objection is made to receive your letter on the ground that it is not addressed to Abraham Lincoln as President instead of Commander-inChief, etc., then you will present the duplicate letter, which is addressed

.

to him as President, and signed by me as President. To this letter objection may be made on the ground that I am not recognized to be President of the Confederacy. In this event, you will decline any further attempt to confer on the subject of your mission, as such conference is admissible only on a footing of perfect equality.

My recent interviews with you have put you so fully in possession of my views, that it is scarcely necessary to give you any detailed instructions, even were I at this moment well enough to attempt it.

My whole purpose is, in one word, to place this war on the footing of such as are waged by civilized people in modern times, and to divest it of the savage character which has been impressed on it by our enemies, in spite of all our efforts and protests. War is full enough of unavoidable horrors, under all its aspects, to justify, and even to demand, of any Christian ruler, who may be unhappily engaged in carrying it on, to seek to restrict its calamities, and to divest it of all unnecessary severities. You will endeavor to establish the Cartel for the Exchange of Prisoners on such a basis as to avoid the constant difficulties and complaints which arise, and to prevent for the future what we deem the unfair conduct of our enemies, in evading the delivery of prisoners who fall into their hands, in retarding it by sending them on circuitous routes, and by detaining them sometimes for months in camps and prisons, and in persisting in taking captive non-combatants.

Your attention is also called to the unheard-of conduct of Federal officers, in driving from their homes entire communities of women and children, as well as of men, whom they find in districts occupied by their troops, for no other reason than because these unfortunates are faithful to the allegiance due to their States, and refuse to take an oath of fidelity to their enemies.

The putting to death of unarmed prisoners, has been a ground of just complaint in more than one instance, and the recent execution of officers of our army in Kentucky, for the sole cause that they were engaged in recruiting service in a State which is claimed as still one of the United States, but is also claimed by us as one of the Confederate States, must be repressed by retaliation if not unconditionally abandoned, because it would justify the like execution in every other State of the Confederacy, and the practice is barbarous, uselessly cruel, and can only lead to the slaughter of prisoners on both sides, a result too horrible to contemplate without making every effort to avoid it.

On these and all kindred subjects you will consider your authority full and ample to make such arrangements as will temper the present cruel character of the contest, and full confidence is placed in your judgment, patriotism, and discretion that, while carrying out the objects of your mission, you will take care that the equal rights of the Confederacy be always preserved. Very respectfully,

JEFFERSON DAVIS.

Q.

I.

SPEECH OF THE AUTHOR (REFERRED TO ON PAGE 574) ON THE USE OF COTTON AND OTHER RESOURCES FOR CARRYING ON THE WAR, ETC., DELIVERED IN CRAWFORDVILLE, GA., 1st NOVEMBER, 1862. REPORTED BY

J. HENLY SMITH.

ON the present condition and prospect of our affairs, Mr. Stephens said he had nothing new to say, and nothing that was not known to all. From the past we had nothing to be discouraged for the future. We had met with some reverses, but of eighteen months' fighting, we had lost no great battle. We had gained many brilliant victories. The aggregate of advantage of the fight on land thus far had been decidedly on our side. This was no small consideration for hope and encouragement, looking at the odds against us. At the beginning, the enemy had all the army, all the navy, all the revenue, all the credit, as well as the prestige of the name of the old Government, on their side. We were few in number compared with them; without a regiment or a ship, without a dollar, and without credit, except such as the righteousness of our Cause, inspired in the breasts of our own people, secured. Thus we entered the contest, and thus we have maintained it. At first 75,000 men were thought sufficient to conquer us. This failing, 600,000 were called to the field. These, too, failing, 600,000 more have been added, with a view to crush us out with numbers. Judging from indications, the enemy seem determined to put forth all their power. This is the present prospect. We should be prepared to meet it to the best of our ability. No one should despair or even despond from this array of new forces to be brought against us. We may not be able to match them in numbers. We are not able to do it, and should not attempt it. It is not necessary to do it, to secure ultimate success, if we avail ourselves of our advantages, properly and wisely. Numbers is one advantage the enemy has, and had from the beginning. We have advantages on our side which we should avail ourselves of. Frederick of Prussia fought all the great neighboring Powers of Europe for seven years, and was successful in the end. The greatest number he could bring into the field was 200,000 against 600,000. With this disparity of three to one, they thought they could crush him, but they did not. It is true, his country was overrun, and his Capital, (Berlin,) was twice taken and sacked during the war. He, however, did not give it up. Richmond has not yet been taken, though three powerful onward movements have been made against it. If Richmond should yet fall, and twice fall, we should be no worse off than Prussia was in a like calamity; nor should we be less disposed than the great Frederick to give it up for a like cause.

The war of our first Independence lasted seven years. During that struggle, several of the States were overrun, occupied and held for long periods by the enemy. The men of that "day that tried men's souls '' felt no inclination, on that account, to "give it up." Philadelphia, their Capital, was taken, but they did not "give it up," or think of giv ing up the Cause. They fought on, as we can, for the same principles and rights, until final success. Nor have our suffering or sacrifices, as great as they are, been anything like as severe as theirs were. If they suffered and bore with patience and fortitude all they did to acquire and establish principles so dear to them and to us, well may we, with equal patience and fortitude, bear all now upon us, and all that may hereafter await us, to maintain them.

The ability of a people to support and wage war, depends partly upon their resources, and partly upon the skill and economy with which they are wielded. We have resources-elements of power to wage war successfully, unknown to Frederick or the men of '76. All necessaries of life, food and clothing, with the materials and munitions of war, can, with skill and forecast, be made and supplied within ourselves. This goodly land of ours is unequalled, or at least unsurpassed by any other part of the habitable globe, in the character and variety of its natural products, suited to man's needs and wants in every emergency. Its mineral resources are also inexhaustible. It is a land, besides its Institutions, well worth fighting for. Our means are sufficient; and they have only to be properly and skilfully developed and applied.

But besides the products necessary to sustain ourselves, to support our armies, and carry on war, we have another element of tremendous power, if properly used and applied – —a resource and power unknown in European wars, and unknown to our ancestors in the war of their Revolution. Mr. Stephens here said he alluded to our great staple, cotton; and he should not have said more upon it at this time, than barely to ask those present to call to their minds what he had said to most of them last year upon that subject, when he addressed them upon the Cotton Loan, but for some misconceptions that had got in the public mind from a paragraphic report of some remarks he made at a meeting lately in Sparta. Some, from that report, said Mr. Stephens, have taken the idea that I urged upon the planters there, to plant largely of cotton next year. Allow me in this connection to say, that nothing could be further from the fact. I urged upon the planters there, first, and above all, to grow grain and stock for home consumption, and to supply the army. What I said at Sparta upon the subject of cotton, many of you have often heard me say in private conversation, and most of you, in the public speech last year, to which I alluded. Cotton, I have maintained, and do maintain, is one of the greatest elements of power, if not the greatest at our command, if it were but properly and efficiently used, as it might have been, and still might be. Samson's strength was in

his locks. Our strength is in our locks--not of hair or wool, but in our locks of cotton. I believed from the beginning that the enemy would inflict upon us more serious injury by the blockade than by all other means combined. It was, in the judgment of all, a matter of the utmost, if not vital importance, to have it raised, removed or broken up. How was it to be done? That was, and is the question! It was thought by many that such was the demand for cotton in England, that she would disregard the blockade, as it was, and has been all along, not within the terms of the Paris agreement-that is, has not been at any time, entirely effectual, though close enough to do us great injury. I aid not concur in this opinion, as most of you well know. I thought it would have to be done by ourselves, and could be done through the agency of cotton-not as a political, but as a commercial and financial power. I was in favor, as you know, of the Government's taking all the cotton that would be subscribed for eight per cent. bonds at a rate or price as high as ten cents a pound. Two millions of the last year's crop might have been counted upon as certain on this plan. This, at ten cents, with bags of the average commercial weight, would have cost the Government one hundred millions of bonds. With this amount of cotton in hand and pledged, any number, short of fifty, of the best iron-clad steamers could have been contracted for and built in Europe-steamers at the cost of two millions each, could be procured, every way equal to the Monitor. Thirty millions would have got fifteen of these, which might have been enough for our purpose. Five might have been ready by the first of January last to open some one of the ports blockaded on our coast. Three of these could have been left to keep the port open, and two could have convoyed the cotton across the water, if necessary. Thus, the debt could have been promptly paid with cotton at a much higher price than it cost, and a channel of trade kept open till others, and as many more as necessary, might have been built and paid for in the same way. At a cost of less than one month's present expenditure on our army, our coast might have been cleared. Besides this, at least two more millions of bales of the old crop on hand might have been counted on-this with the other making a debt in round numbers to the planters of $200,000,000. But this cotton, held in Europe until its price shall be fifty cents a pound, would constitute a fund of at least $1,000,000,000, which would not only have kept our finances in sound condition, but the clear profit of $800,000,000 would have met the entire expenses of the war for years to come.

In this way cotton, as a great element of power at our commandsuch an element as no other people ever had-might have been used, not only in breaking up the blockade by our own means, without looking to foreign intervention, but in supplying the treasury with specie to pay interest on their bonds, thus giving a credit that no Government ever had before. The public credit is as essential as subsistence in war.