a junction of the forces of the three powers, of Spain, France, and Holland, the succouring of an inveterate enemy,-the replenishing of his coffers, or the recruiting of his armies: for, assuredly, these treasures were not destined for the coffers of Spain, but for those of France. Even in this proceeding, the moderation and friendly dispositions of His Majesty's government were as obvious as unequivocal. We detained the frigates of Spain, indeed, but by the mode of that detention, we left a door open to Spain to return to her ancient friendships, to the line of her generous and magnanimous policy in better days, to the course of her high-minded, honourable propensities and feelings, to her true interests, to the paths of her renown and her glory.

Now, if we did not at once declare war against Spain, knowing the motives of our unparalleled forbearance, I think it too hard, Sir, for gentlemen to charge us with the contravention of the law of nations, with want of good faith, or the violation of the most liberal, enlightened principles of a just and prudent policy. It will be found that we have treated Spain with a kindness, of which, perhaps, no epoch of history can furnish an instance. We carried our indulgence to the utmost extent. We were not, to the last moment, hostile, but to an extent singularly limited; and although Spain was giving every kind of assistance to her ally; although, joined with naval force, she was pouring her treasures into her coffers,-still we were willing to listen to her ministry, and, if possible, to avert from her the evils of war. Has Spain requited our friendship? With the two conditions on which our forbearance could be continued, on which she could be permitted to maintain her neutrality, she refused to comply. These were, first, the cessations of all armaments; and, secondly, the communications of the terms of the treaty of St. Ildefonso. We did not demand more than was necessary to our safety. We demanded nothing but our confirmed right. If we had not insisted on this promptly, and made it a sine qua non, we might, indeed, have been accused of weakness, of pusillanimity, and imbecility. After long concealing her ar

maments in other ports, Spain evinced, besides, a determination to refuse an explanation of those, and of what we alike required, the treaty of 1795. From these circumstances war had become inevitable. This was the case long before the affair of the frigates. In fact, their seizure was not known at the time of the discussion at Madrid, or of the notification of the 7th of November. As to the detention of the frigates, the irrefragable justice of that measure must be obvious to the world. That circumstance, however, makes no part of the case, and we should equally have been at war, had it never taken place. I do not say this to extenuate that proceeding, of which I trust I have already said enough completely to justify it. Deplorable as some of the circumstances were with which it was attended, as indeed bloodshed, though shed even in lawful war, must always be regretted, yet that occurrence certainly had no influence on the final decision of the question of peace or war.

I trust, Sir, that I have sufficiently proved thai, even in the commencement of the negotiations, we had a just cause of war, which never was abandoned; that, during the second period, our forbearance, while Spain became bound, and actually paid a war subsidy of three millions sterling to France, was conditional; and that the condition being violated, we again were possessed of the right of war provisionally declared; and all our demands of satisfaction and security being rejected, we are in consequence at open war. Under these circumstances, I entertain a full confidence that the vote of this House will recognise the justice of our cause, and sanction the conduct of the government, and that we shall lay at the foot of the throne the professions of a dutiful and loyal people, determined to make every sacrifice in the vindication of their rights, and in the defence of their country.

I shall conclude, Sir, with moving, "That an humble address be presented to His Majesty, to acquaint His Majesty, that we have taken into our most serious consideration the papers which have been laid before us by His Majesty's command, relative to the discussions which have taken place with the court of Spain:

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That we observe with the greatest satisfaction, that, through the whole of the transaction, His Majesty has carried his moderation and forbearance to the utmost extent which was consistent with a due regard to the honour of his crown, and the interests of his dominions: That, while we fully concur in the propriety and necessity of those prompt and vigorous measures of precaution which His Majesty found himself compelled to adopt, in consequence of the naval armaments fitted out by Spain, we see at the same time a fresh proof of His Majesty's earnest desire to avoid, if possible, the extremity of war, in the first opportunity which he even then offered to the court of Spain, to enter on pacific negotiation: And that, impressed with these sentiments, and fully convinced of the justice of the war, which the conduct of the court of Spain (evidently under the influence and control of France) has rendered unavoidable, we shall not fail to afford His Majesty our most zealous and cordial support in every measure which may be necessary for prosecuting the war with vigour, and bringing it to a safe and honourable termination.

A very long discussion succeeded; in the course of which Mr. Grey moved an amendment upon the address, to the effect of censuring the conduct of ministers throughout the negotiation.

At a late hour the debate was adjourned to the following day, when the original motion was carried.

Ayes.........313

Noes.........106

April 8. 1805.

MR.WHITBREAD this day brought forward his promised motion founded on the tenth report of the Commissioners of Naval Enquiry; concluding a speech of great length with moving the following resolutions:

1. "That it appears to this committee, that on the 18th of June, 1782, the House of Commons in a committee of the whole House came, amongst others, to the following resolutions:

"That it is the opinion of this committee, that some regulations ought to 'be adopted for the purpose of lessening and keeping down the balances of 'public money, which appear to have usually been in the hands of the trea

surer of the navy; and it would be beneficial to the public if the first and other clerks in the different branches belonging to the said office, * were paid by fixed and permanent salaries in lieu of all fees, gratuities, and other perquisites whatsoever.'

"That it is the opinion of this committee, that from henceforward the paymaster-general of His Majesty's land forces, and the treasurer of the navy, for the time being, shall not apply any sum or sums of money im'prested to them, or either of them, to any purpose of advantage or interest to themselves, either directly or indirectly.'

That it appears to this committee, that the commissioners appointed 'to examine, take, and state the public accounts of the kingdom, have, 'so far as appears from the reports which they have hitherto made, dis'charged the duty intrusted to them with great diligence, accuracy, and ' ability: and if parliament shall carry into execution those plans of reformn ' and regulation which are suggested by the matter contained in the reports ' of the said commissioners, it cannot but be attended with the most bene'ficial consequences to the future welfare and prosperity of this kingdom.'

2. "That in furtherance of the intention of the House of Commons expressed in such resolutions, His Majesty, by his warrant dated June 26th, 1782, directed that the salary of the treasurer of the navy should be increased to the sum of 4000l. per annum, in full satisfaction of all wages, and fees, and other profits and emoluments theretofore enjoyed by former

treasurers.

3. "That it appears to this committee, that during the treasurership of the right honourable Isaac Barré, the conditions of the aforesaid warrant were strictly complied with; that the whole of the money issued from the exchequer to Mr. Barré for naval services was lodged in the bank; that it was never drawn from thence previously to its being advanced to the subaccountants, to be applied to the public service; that during the time Mr. Barré acted as treasurer and ex-treasurer, he had not in his possession or custody any of the public money, and that neither he nor the paymaster of the navy did derive any profit or advantage from the use or employment thereof.

4. "That the Right Honourable Henry Dundas, now Lord Viscount Melville, succeeded to the office of treasurer of the navy on the 19th of August, 1782, when a further addition was made to the salary of the said office, in order to produce a net annual income of 4000l. after the payment of all taxes and charges on the same: and that this additional salary was considered by the said Lord Viscount Melville as granted to him in lieu of all wages, fees, profits, and other emoluments, enjoyed by former treasurers.

5. "That the said Lord Viscount Melville continued in the said office till the 10th of April, 1785; that being asked whether he derived any advantage from the use of the public money during that period, be, in his

examination before the commissioners of Naval Enquiry, declined answering any question on that head, but that he has since, in a letter written to the said commissioners, and dated the 28th of March last, declared that previous to 1786, he did not derive any advantage from the use or employment of any monies issued for carrying on the service of the navy ;' but Mr. Douglas, who was paymaster, being dead, and his lordship having refused to answer any question on this head as aforesaid, no evidence has been obtained as to the application of monies issued for the service of the navy, or the mode of drawing the same from the bank during this period.

6. "That the Honourable C. Townshend, now Lord Bayning, held the office of treasurer of the navy, from the 11th of April, 1783, to the 4th of January, 1784, and that from the examination of his lordship, it appears that, during his treasurership, no part of the money issued for the service of the navy was applied to his private use or advantage, and that he does not believe that Mr. Douglas, who acted under him as paymaster, derived any profit or advantage from the use or employment of the public mo. ney except the money issued for the payment of exchequer fees.

7. "That the Right Honourable Henry Dundas was re-appointed treasurer of the navy on the 5th of January, 1784, and continued in the said office until the 1st of June, 1800.

8." That in the year 1785, an act of parliament was passed, 25 Geo. III. chap. 31. intituled, 'An Act for better regulating the office of treasurer of His Majesty's Navy;' whereby it is directed, that no money shall be issued from the treasury to the treasurers of the navy; but that all monies issued for naval services shall be paid to the bank on account of naval services, and placed to the account of the treasurer of the navy, and shall not be paid out of the bank unless for naval services, and in pursuance of draughts signed by the treasurer, or some person or persons authorised by him; which draughts shall specify the heads of service to which such sums are to be applied, and that the regulations under the said act shall take place from the 31st of July, 1785.

9. "That the execution of the said act was postponed till the month of January, 1786, and, from that time till the month of June, 1800, when Lord Melville left the office of treasurer, contrary to the practice established in the treasurership of the Right Honourable Isaac Barré, contrary to the resolutions of the House of Commons of 18th of June, 1782, and in defiance of the provisions of the above-mentioned act of the 25th of Geo. III. chap. 31. large sums of money were, under pretence of naval services, and by a scandalous evasion of the act, at various times drawn from the bank and invested in exchequer and navy bills, lent upon the security of stock, employed in discounting private bills, in purchasing bank and East-India stock, and used in various ways for the purposes of private emolument.