ministers; and with that conviction on my mind, I shall not be deterred from bringing forward such measures as may be necessary in aid and support of the present bill, which I have no doubt will meet the approbation of a considerable majority, notwithstanding all the opposition it has met with from the honourable gentleman on the opposite side of the House.

The motion for engrossing the bill was carried;

Ayes.........265

Noes.........223

February 11. 1805.

THE order of the day being read, for taking into consideration the papers relative to the war with Spain,

Mr. PITT rose, and addressed the House as follows:

I feel great satisfaction, Sir, that the day is at length arrived, when we can enter into that full and ample discussion of the papers before the House, which the magnitude of the subject requires; and though I am satisfied that a perusal of these papers, and an impartial consideration of the transactions to which they refer, would be sufficient to convince every rational mind of the rectitude of the measures pursued by His Majesty's government, and of the justice of the war in which we are engaged, yet, reflecting how much the complete illustration of the policy by which we have been guided, and the vindication of the steps which have been adopted, are necessary to the credit of His Majesty's government, and to the honour of the British nation, I trust I shall be excused if I go somewhat at length into a review of the different aspects of our relations, and the progress of the discussions with Spain previous to the war. In the course of what I shall have the honour to submit to the House, I hope that I shall be able, not only to establish that which I believe few can be now disposed to question, the ultimate justice and neces

sity of the war; but also, the exemplary moderation, liberality, and forbearance of the ministers of this country in every period of our relation with Spain since the breaking out of the war with France; and when unexpected circumstances required the departure from the system of lenity which it was always the desire of the British government to exercise, that though they were not deficient in vigour to vindicate the rights, and to avenge the cause of the country, they never deviated from the law of nations or the principles of good faith.

In the first place, then, it is necessary to take into consideration the relative situation in which Spain stood towards this country at the breaking out of the war, in consequence of her antecedent engagements with France. I need hardly say more to characterise that situation, than barely mention the treaty of St. Ildefonso, and the stipulations it contained. Spain was bound to France by a treaty, on the face of it both offensive and defensive; and, in fact, a treaty which was by the contracting parties so entitled. Besides guaranteeing neutrality, their territories, &c. they agree to assist each other with 15 ships of the line, and 24,000 men; and this assistance, too, as appears from the 8th article, is to be given upon the demand of the requiring party, and the demand is to be taken as conclusive evidence of the necessity, precluding the party required from making any investigation or enquiry as to the justice of the war, or the policy of the object for which the succours were to be granted. Nay, by the 11th article of this treaty, the contracting parties are to assist each other with their whole forces, in case the stipulated succours should be insufficient. This treaty it is most important to keep in view, as the foundation of all the proceedings which it was thought incumbent on this government to adopt. The Spanish ambassador in this country, in several of the notes before the House, it will be seen, endeavours to set up his own, as appears too, in the first instance, unauthorised reasonings, to show that this treaty was not offensive. To such reasonings I oppose the treaty itself, which expressly puts at the disposal of France the

land; which strips Spain of the right to ask a question, or exercise any judgment as to the purpose of the succours she is to furnish. Such a treaty, unless distinctly disclaimed, I contend must ipso facto have rendered Spain a principal in the war. On the face of it such is the treaty of St. Ildefonso; and if any thing were wanting to explain its tendency, it would be the example of what happened in the year 1796, in which the offensive provisions were specifically directed against England. Indeed, who that recollects the circumstances in which the treaty was concluded, and when Spain was compelled to subscribe and ratify that record of her vassalage to France, can doubt the spirit of the contract, or its hostility to the British nation?

Such was the situation in which His Majesty's ministers found themselves, when the aggressions and injustice of the present ruler of France forced them into the present rupture. This was the situation of the relations between both countries when His Majesty's ministers, actuated by sentiments which I cannot but applaud, resolved to delay their determination with respect to the light in which they should regard Spain, till they should see in what manner, and to what extent, Spain would be disposed to carry its observance of the terms of the treaty. In whatever light the treaty should be viewed, it could not be considered on the part of Spain, but as a reluctant tribute to the overbearing dictates of its ambitious and tyrannic ally; yet, while stipulations so directly hostile to the interests and security of this country remained in force, no man, I am confident, in this House, will deny, that it could be attributed only to extreme pusillanimity on the part of His Majesty's government, if they had not required the clear, distinct, and explicit renunciation of the offensive articles. But the feelings to which I have alluded, for the degraded and humiliating situation of that country, and which so justly influenced His Majesty's ministers on the occasion, dictated a spirit of moderation and forbearance in the measures they adopted with respect to a court, of which, though an enemy, I am not disposed to speak with severity, at the same time that I cannot but admit that in its present state it seems to

possess very little of that honourable spirit, and those highminded sentiments, by which the Spanish nation has been so long characterised. On this ground, I am convinced that the tenderness, moderation, and forbearance shown by His Majesty's ministers, from the impulse of such generous sentiments, not upon any principles of true or sound policy, for the degrading situation to which necessity, not choice, had reduced Spain, will meet with the decided approbation of the House. I state this particularly, because it was, in the first instance, deemed expedient to gain time, and the Spanish court seemed as desirous to get rid of their engagements as we were to detach them from their ally. But, considering the situation in which Spain was placed, considering the situation and circumstances of Europe, considering also that the intemperate and precipitate conduct of the French ruler might compel Spain to take an active part with him in the war, the same sentiment to spare, the same generous feeling for its degraded situation, could no longer be suffered to influence His Majesty's government to a perseverance in the system of moderation upon which they had hitherto acted. To act longer upon such a system, under such discouraging circumstances, would not be to give way to the influence of generous sentiments, or honourable feelings, but to enable Spain, under the dictation of France, to accumulate resources, and armies, and fleets, and arsenals, to be at the disposal of France and for what purpose? France might at once demand the contingent of 15 sail of the line, and 24,000 men; she could moreover demand, that Spain should put into activity the whole force that she could command. At any moment it was in the power of France to call for the whole, either of the treasure of Spain, or of the blood of her subjects, unless the contingent succours should be deemed sufficient: and for what purpose? The purpose of aiding the French in a war against this country; for a purpose announced at the very outset of the war, continued through every stage of its progress, and never once suspended, but in practice, for the purpose of destroying the power and independence of this country; for the purpose

of overthrowing this noble barrier against the encroachments of French ambition on the liberties and independence of mankind. The duties of the ministers of this country were, by all these circumstances, rendered extremely delicate and difficult. Standing at the head of the affairs of a nation like this, to be at once moderate and forbearing towards Spain, and wise and provident to Great Britain; to feel and to vindicate the justice of their cause, yet to mitigate the rigour of justice, as far as true policy and the safety of the state would admit of, was indeed a trying situation, and required the utmost prudence; particularly when they were sensible that Spain might be pushed on to war with us, though ruin might be the consequence to her, provided her co-operation could in any manner facilitate the projects of the ruler of France for our destruction.

Having stated these general principles as applicable to the state of our relations with Spain, it remains to consider how they have been followed up. Gentlemen will see in the papers on the table the instructions by Lord Hawkesbury to our minister at Madrid, so far back as October 1802, instructions which I am confident all must approve. They will there see that the first object of our policy was, if possible, to detach Spain from her degrading connection with France, and if that was impracticable, at least to endeavour, that, in case of any future war, either a system of neutrality should be settled, or at least that hostilities with her might be deferred as long as possible. It cannot be questioned these principles were acted upon by our minister, and that every effort was made to prepare the minds of the Spanish government for these alternatives. In June 1803, instructions were given to Mr. Frere to demand from the Spanish government a renunciation of the treaty of St. Ildefonso; nor will any man, I believe, dispute that the instructions to which I allude, as to the points to be insisted on, are fully justified by the law of nations.

It is needless for me to dwell upon the question, how far the limited succours in the treaty of St. Ildefonso, would have been consistent with the neutrality of Spain, as that makes no