dered us more familiar with their utility and the mode of their application, I shall just mention how they may be rendered more effectual on the present occassion. We know that last year the crops failed almost generally in all the articles of provision. This year, though wheat is short, several other kinds (particularly barley) are plentiful both at home and abroad. By the due application of the resources of economy and of substitutes, joined to importation, I am satisfied that the supply of the year will be made to answer the consumption. I do not wish to under-rate the difficulties of our situation; but this I will assert, that, if we employ proper precaution, and exercise becoming firmness, we have in our own power the remedy for the distress under which the country labours. I do not imagine indeed that any extraordinary and rapid diminution of price is to be expected; but if we abstain from all rash experiment in the established course of trade, there is the best reason to think that there will be a considerable reduction of price, a reduction gradual and permanent, one that will alleviate the distresses of the poor, without risking that increase of consumption which ought so much in the present circumstances to be avoided. Besides the actual deficiency this year, the late high prices might be accounted for on reflecting that the stock of last year was exhausted, that the farmer must have been unable both to provide for the demands of the market, and to prepare for the supplies of seed which a more favourable season had required.

This of itself is sufficient to explain the high price for several weeks, without supposing any great deficiency of crop, or any improper arts to keep back grain and to starve the market. It certainly was an unfortunate error to ascribe the prices too much either to the deficiency on the one hand, or to monopoly on the other. In the one case it gave a sanction to high price, and in the other to unfounded popular clamour. The past prices, however, I am fully convinced, ought not to be taken as a proof and index of what future prices may be. If the order of things by which the market has so long been regularly supplied be not disturbed by impolitic interference; if we are prudent to encourage importa

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tion, and firm to oppose all useless waste, there must in the course of the year be a gradual abatement of price. In fact, as soon as the effect of importation and economy begin to be felt, no regulation will be necessary to supply the market and to reduce the price. The most prejudiced will see, that the surest remedy for monopoly, if it has existed, (and I do not believe it has existed to any considerable extent,) is to increase the quantity and to diminish the consumption, to which highness of price must essentially contribute. If corn has been kept up, it will be sufficient to bring it out, to show both to the grower and consumer that we have the means of rendering the supply of the whole year adequate to the demand. A proper diminution of price will then ensue: for no man who truly estimates the difficulty of our real situation, and the means by which alone it can be relieved, would desire that, in a time of scarcity, the price should experience a temporary depression to what it would be in a time of plenty. This would be to remove the necessary and most effectual corrective of scarcity.

I trust, therefore, that one of our first measures will be, to go into a committee of the whole House, to fix the quantum of bounty to be allowed on importation. I should next propose, that a select committee be appointed to investigate the subject of the scarcity, and to this committee will be referred that part of the King's speech which refers to this point. I should propose, likewise, that the committee shall from time to time recommend such measures as seem on the result of its enquiry fit to be adopted. I do not wish to anticipate any of their measures; but one suggests itself, which may be of great benefit as a regulation, particularly if sanctioned by example. This would be, to direct that all parochial relief, instead of being given in money, or wheaten bread, shall be given in bread partly made up of some wholesome substitutes. I believe that this practice has already made its way in some parts, and it appears to me that its extension would be attended with the most beneficial effects.

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Thus much I have thought it necessary to state on the two leading points respecting the scarcity. On the question of peace or war, I shall only observe, that, as the papers on which the merits.

of the case must be decided are not yet before the House, it would -be premature to enter at large into the discussion. There certainly is nothing in the address which pledges any opinion of the House on that point; this pledge it gives indeed, which no man I hope will shrink from, that if peace cannot be concluded on terms consistent with public faith, with the national honour and interests, we shall continue to support His Majesty with that firmness, decision, and energy, which this House has uniformly displayed. I cannot anticipate any difference of opinion on this head. The speech states what will no doubt appear distinctly from the communications that are about to be laid before parliament, that His Majesty could not negotiate without separating his interests from those of his allies; and the importance of those alliances is justified by the desire of the enemy to dissolve them. If, then, the enemy advanced a pretension so unheard of, as that His Majesty, as the price of connection with them, should break his faith to those allies with whom he was connected; if, as the price of being united in amity with His Majesty, France wished to put an end to the union which subsisted between him and his allies, surely I ought not to presume, that in such a preliminary to a negotiation, any member of this House will find conditions, which prove the sincerity of those who pretend to be the friends of general tranquillity, or conditions, to which His Majesty could have acceded. I trust, therefore, that as unanimity is desirable on every occasion, the House will without delay, and with a concurrence approaching to unanimity, proceed to declare its readiness to adopt such measures as alone are calculated to afford relief to the community. This is the only way to prove a sincere and enlightened regard to the interests and well-being of the poor. By showing a real and substantial regard to their happiness, we shall guard against the consequences of the false and dangerous expectations with which, by factious persons, they have been deluded on the subject of the remedies of which their sufferings admit. Parliament cannot by any charm convert scarcity into plenty; but it is something to show that no time is lost in adopting every practicable means of alleviating the present distress, and ensuring the regular subsist

tence of the people. In the further discussion let us proceed with caution, and examine with impartiality. Let us act with proper temper, firmness, and sobriety, that we may be able to discover where the cause of the evil really rests, and apply the remedy which will be truly serviceable.

The House, after negativing an amendment proposed by Mr. Grey, agreed to the address without a division.

November 27. 1800.

ON a motion of Mr. Tierney for the House to resolve itself into a committee, to enquire into the State of the Nation,

Mr. PITT spoke to the following effect:

Sir-The honourable gentleman*, in the speech which he has just concluded, has gone over a most extensive range of argument, and indeed has extended the topics of discussion beyond the notice which he first gave of his intention. It seemed to be his original view to confine the object of the enquiry he proposed to move, to points connected with the high price of provisions. He talked of moving to have the governor of the bank examined respecting the influence which the operations of the bank and of paper-circulation might have produced upon the price: but he has now abandoned these restrictive views; he has not mentioned a word of the examination of the governor of the bank, and has thought it better to move for a committee of the whole House on the state of the nation, as best fitted to investigate that infinite variety of subjects which he has dwelt upon as the grounds of enquiry. It is natural, therefore, that the honourable gentleman's topics should be numerous. The question of peace and war; the operations of our military force; the conduct of those by whom they are planned or executed; our alliances; our financial situation; the state of our constitutional rights, though introduced by the honourable gentleman in a parenthesis; our internal * Mr. Tierney.

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circumstances, with which the dearness of provisions and its remedies are all connected, thus form the natural topics to which a motion, like that which has been made, must be directed.

The honourable gentleman has said what is true, undoubtedly, of every important occasion in which this House is called upon to deliberate, that the eyes of the country are upon us. The eyes of the country indeed are most earnestly fixed upon us. They look with expectation, as they must feel the good or the bad consequences which result from our decisions. The measures in which the House has been occupied during the preceding part of the session have, in the highest degree, engrossed the attention of the public, and their hopes have not been disappointed. They see the attention of parliament directed to the consideration of the difficulties under which the community labours, and employing every practical remedy to alleviate their distress. I am convinced too that the people are well aware that those do most for their cause, and are most sincerely impressed with their sufferings, who confine themselves most closely to the immediate object of relieving the calamities under which they labour. I do not say that the whole situation of the country may not form a fit subject for enquiry in a committee of the whole House, if strong and conclusive grounds for it can be established. But I must contend that a committee on the state of the nation is that which, for the last hundred years, has very rarely been moved, and still more rarely complied with. The instances when it led to any practical advantage, are fewer still. It has indeed been employed in some urgent cases, where the topic of enquiry had a direct influence on the whole frame of the government. Such were the committee on the India bills, and, more recently, during the unfortunate illness of His Majesty, when the question of the regency was to be determined. At present the only thing to be considered is, whether the circumstances of our situation be such as to demand that general enquiry which the honourable gentleman recommends, or specific investigations directly leading to practical measures.

With respect to the large and complicated question of peace and