ter as to prevent action on this subject? The word compromises is invoked by many honest minds as the excuse for not joining in this cause. Let me meet this question frankly and fairly. It is said that the Constitution of the United States was the result of a compromise between the free and the slave States, which it would be contrary to good faith to break. To this it might be replied, that the slave States, by their many violations of the Constitution, have already overturned all the original compromises, if there were any of a perpetual character. But I do not content myself with this answer. I wish to say, distinctly, that there is no compromise on the subject of slavery, of a character not to be reached legally and constitutionally, which is the only way in which I propose to reach it. Wherever power and jurisdiction are secured to Congress, they may unquestionably be exercised in conformity with the Constitution. And even in matters beyond existing powers and jurisdiction, there is a constitutional method of action. The Constitution contains an article pointing out how, at any time, amendments may be made thereto. This is an important element, giving to the Constitution a progressive character; and allowing it to be moulded to suit new exigencies and new conditions of feeling. The wise framers of this instrument did not treat the

country as a Chinese foot-never to grow after its infancy-but anticipated the changes incident to its growth. Provided, that no amendment which may be made prior to the year 1808 shall in any manner affect the 1st and 4th clauses, in the 9th section of the 1st article, and that no State, without its consent, shall be deprived of its equal suffrage in the Senate.' These are the words of the Constitution. They expressly designate what shall be sacred from amendment, what compromises shall be perpetual; and in doing so, according to a familiar rule of law and of natural logic, virtually declare that the remainder of the Constitution may be amended. Already, since its adoption, twelve amendments have been made, and every year produces new projects. It has been pressed on the floor of Congress to abrogate the power of the veto, and also to limit the tenure of office of the President. Let it be distinctly understood, then, and this is my answer to the suggestion of binding compromises, that, in conferring upon Congress certain specified · powers and jurisdiction, and also in providing for the amendment of the Constitution, its framers expressly established the means for setting aside what are vaguely called the compromises of the Constitution. They openly declare, Legislate, as you please, in conformity with the Constitution; and even make amendments in this instrument, ren

dered proper by change of opinion or character following always the manner therein prescribed.'

"Nor can we dishonor the memories of the revered authors of the Constitution, by supposing that they set their hands to it, believing that slavery was to be perpetual-that the republic, which, reared by them to its giant stature, had snatched from heaven the sacred fire of freedom, was to be bound, like another Prometheus, in the adamantine chains of fate, while slavery, like another vulture, preyed upon its vitals. Let Franklin speak for them. He was President of the earliest 'Abolition Society' in the United States, and in 1790, only two years after the adoption of the Constitution, addressed a petition to Congress, calling upon them to step to the very verge of the power vested in them for discouraging every species of traffic in our fellowmen.' Let Jefferson speak for them. His desire for the abolition of slavery was often expressed with philanthropic warmth and emphasis. Let Washington speak for them. 'It is among my first wishes,' he said, in a letter to John Fenton Mercer, to see some plan adopted by which slavery in this country may be abolished by law.' And in his will, penned with his own hand, in the last year of his life, he bore his testimony again, by providing for the emancipation of all

his slaves. It is thus that Washington speaks, not only by words, but by actions louder than words, 'Give freedom to your slaves.' The father of his country requires, as a token of the filial piety which all profess, that his example should be followed. I am not insensible to the many glories of his character; but I cannot contemplate this act, without a fresh gush of admiration and gratitude. The martial scene depicted on that votive canvas may fade from the memories of men; but this act of justice and benevolence shall never perish :

'Et magis, magisque viri nunc gloria claret.'

On the 17th of February, 1847, Mr. Sumner delivered a brilliant lecture before the Boston Mercantile Library Association, entitled White Slavery in the Barbary States, in which he depicts, in glowing colors, the horrors of that revolting custom of stealing and reducing white men to wretched and hopeless bondage, which so long prevailed in that unhappy country. This lecture is an extremely interesting one, and is full of startling facts and shocking details of cruelty. It is the production of a ripe scholar and a noble philanthropist, and should be studied by every free citizen who values the blessings of liberty.

CHAPTER V.

Pronounces an Oration before the Literary Societies f Amherst College-extracts--delivers an oration before the Phi Beta Kappa Society of Union College-splendid passages from this address— makes a speech before the Whig State Convention of Massachusetts, at Springfield-forcible passages quoted from this address— remarks.

On the 11th of August, 1847, Mr. Sumner pronounced a beautiful oration before the Literary Societies of Amherst College, on Fame and Glory, in which we have unanswerable arguments on the superior honors of peace. This subject was congenial to Mr. Sumner, and was ably and eloquently handled by him. In setting forth the common ideas of fame and glory, which have long prevailed among several nations, he says:

"It appears from the early literature of Spain, where chivalry found a favorite haunt, that brutality, assassination, and murder were often accounted glorious, and that adventure in robbery and promptitude in vengeance were favorite feats of heroism. The Life of the Valiant Cespedez, a Spanish knight of high renown, by Lope de Vega, reveals a succession of exploits, which were the