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of special importance; but it does what is better, and what other parties fail to do. It acknowledges that beneficent principle, which, like the great central light, vivifies all, and without which all is dark and sterile. The moving cause and the animating soul of our party, is the idea of Freedom. But this idea is manifold in character and influence. It is the idea of the Declaration of Independence. It is the great idea of the founders of the Republic. It is the idea which combined our Fathers on the heights of Bunker Hill; which carried Washington through a seven years' war; which inspired Lafayette; which touched with coals of fire the lips of Adams, Otis, and Patrick Henry. Ours is an idea, which is at least noble and elevating; it is an idea which draws in its train virtue, goodness, and all the charities of life, all that makes earth a home of improvement and happiness:

'Her track, where'er the goddess roves,

Glory pursues, and generous shame,

The unconquerable mind and Freedom's holy flame.'

"Thus do all objections disappear, even as the mists of morning before the sun, rejoicing like a strong man to run his race. The Republican party stands vindicated in every particular. It only remains that I should press the question with which I began 'Are you for Freedom, or are

you for Slavery? As it is right to be taught by let us derive instruction from the Oli

the enemy, garchy we oppose. The three hundred and fortyseven thousand slave-masters are always united. Hence their strength. Like arrows in a quiver, they cannot be broken. The friends of Freedom have thus far been divided. They, too, must be united. In the crisis before us, it becomes you all to forget ancient feuds, and those names which have been the signal of strife. There is no occasion to remember any thing but our duties. When the fire-bell rings at midnight, we do not ask if it be Whigs or Democrats, Protestants or Catholics, natives or foreigners, who join our efforts to extinguish the flames; nor do we ask any such question in selecting our leader then. Men of all parties, Whigs and Democrats, or however named, let me call upon you to come forward and join in a common cause. Do not hesitate. When Freedom is in danger, all who are not for her are against her. The penalty of indifference, in such a cause, is akin to the penalty of opposition; as is well pictured by the great Italian poet, when, among the saddest on the banks of Acheronrending the air with outeries of torment, shrieks of anger and smiting of hands-he finds the troop of dreary souls who had been ciphers only in the great conflicts of life:

'Mingled with whom, of their disgrace the proof,
Are the vile angels, who did not rebel,

Nor kept their faith to God, but stood aloof.'

Come forth, then, from the old organizations; let us range together. Come forth, all who have stood aloof from parties; here is an opportunity for action. You who place principles above men! come forward. All who feel in any way the wrong of Slavery, take your stand! Join us, ye lovers of Truth, of Justice, of Humanity! And let me call especially upon the young. You are the natural guardians of Liberty. In your firm resolves and generous souls she will find her surest protection. The young man who is not willing to serve in her cause-to suffer, if need be, for her-gives little promise of those qualities which secure an honorable age.

"FELLOW-CITIZENS :-We found now a new party. Its corner-stone is Freedom. Its broad, allsustaining arches are Truth, Justice, and Humanity. Like the ancient Roman Capitol, at once a Temple and a Citadel, it shall be the fit shrine for the genius of American Institutions."

12*

CHAPTER XI.

The late Session of Congress-Mr. Sumner delivers his great Speech on Kansas-the assault in the Senate chamber-Mr. Sumner's statement respecting it—indignation meetings-remarks.

THE Congressional Session of 1855-6 has been the most important, as well as the most painful and calamitous in the public career of Mr. Sumner. Ah! the heart sickens as we draw near to contemplate that murderous act by which this illustrious Senator of a sovereign State was inhumanly stricken down in the Senate chamber, while discharging faithfully his public duties.

The absorbing question of the late session of Congress, as the intelligent reader well knows, was that touching the affairs in Kansas, particularly the outrages committed in that territory. On the 19th of March, 1856, Mr. Douglas introduced "A Bill to authorize the people of the Territory of Kansas to form a Constitution and State Government, and to provide for their admission into the Union, when they have the requisite population." Shortly after, Mr. Seward moved, by way of substitute, another Bill, providing for im

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mediate action, and entitled "A Bill for the admission of the State of Kansas into the Union." This gave rise to a warm and protracted debate, in the course of which, on the 19th and 20th of May, Mr. Sumner made his immortal Speech :THE CRIME AGAINST KANSAS-THE APOLOGIES FOR THE CRIME-THE TRUE REMEDY.

It would only be expressing the opinion of able and impartial judges, to pronounce this speech. one of the grandest efforts of modern oratory-one of the most commanding, irresistible, and powerful speeches ever made in the Senate of the United States. It will always rank with the imperishable efforts of Webster against Hayne, and those of Burke against Hastings. It is a speech of surpassing eloquence and power, full of beautiful, forcible, and glowing passages-a continued stream of fervid oratory, keen in sarcasm, severe in invective, irresistible in logic, and overpowering in argumentation. One of the most admirable passages in this speech is that on the defence of Massachusetts-a passage which exhibits the loftiest strains of genuine, soul-stirring eloquence:

"God be praised! Massachusetts, honored Commonwealth, that gives me the privilege to plead for Kansas on this floor, knows her rights, and will maintain them firmly to the end. This is not the first time in history, that her public acts

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