land-marks, its orators and press were now. after the close of the rebellion, logically precluded from striking at the roots of the error, by showing who were responsible for the war; and demonstrating its iniquity and deplorable consequences. Crafty politicians, as a consequence, were the only men within the party, whose services were specially in requisition. Consistent Democrats were, therefore, hushed into silence as regards the war; and obliged to stand branded as traitors in unenlightened opinion. They had no choice left them, save to feign compliance with the new departure from principle, and support the Presidential mode of reconstruction, in opposition to the revolutionary Congress.

But the prospect of breaking the ranks of the revolutionary party, soon became doubtful after the issue had been made up between the two political organizations of the country. Early in the year, New Hampshire and Connecticut gave their usual party victories, which they had for years been wont to do. When Maine, in the beginning of September, came sweeping in with a majority of twenty-eight thousand for radicalism, the defenders of the Constitution again perceived that the omens were against them. The New York Herald, and other politic journals of the North, who had so far eteadily sustained Andrew Johnson and his policy, in opposition to the revolutionists, broke when the news from the old Pine State was announced. They now advised the President to circumvent the radicals by accepting the amendment, and urging the Southern people to adopt it as a less evil than these were designing to inflict upon them. Its acceptance, they contended, would defeat the aims of the President's enemies, and leave the Southern people masters of their own State governments. But the Southern people stood upon higher ground than a desire simply to secure the representation of their States. They had fought for the right of selfgovernment; and had the President been so fickle as to have followed the suggestions of these changeable counsellors, he would have found few Confederates who would have accepted his advice. The honor of the South was at stake; and though she had sunk upon the battle field, no power existed that could compel her to accept her own degredation.

It was only when the results of the October elections, in Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana and Iowa, were chronicled throughout the country, that it became clearly evident that President

Johnson had lost the battle, and was now at the mercy of the enemy. All these States gave sweeping majorities for the radical ticket. In the following November elections, the whole North was still found to be arrayed under the old banner of fanaticism; and the designs of the revolutionists were now fully assured. Save in the State of New York, the majorities that endorsed Congress through the North were almost overwhelming. Massachusetts was carried by near 70,000, Illinois by 40,000, Michigan 25,000, Wisconsin 20,000, and the other States by corresponding majorities. The only States that emancipated themselves from radical despotismn, were Kentucky, Maryland and Delaware. By a system of disfranchisement, that drew its germs from Great Brittain's enslavement of the Irish Catholics, the revolutionists were enabled in this canvass to still hold, as in chains of bondage, the States of Missouri and West Virginia, the majority of whose people cherished for their destroyers as unquenchable a hatred as ever fired the breast of man.

CHAPTER XXIX.

RECONSTRUCTION, OR THE CLIMAX OF THE REVOLUTION REACHED.

The second session of the Thirty-ninth Congress assembled at the National Capitol on December 3d, 1866. In the preliminary caucus of the dominant party, which preceded the opening of the Senate and House of Representatives, Mr. Stevens still towered as the controlling dictator of his party, who appeared to give courage and enthusiasm to the timid and flagging members of the political conclave. The dauntless chieftain was returned to the field of conflict, panoplied as an Achilles, ready to combat with his hated foe, the Federal Executive. On his motion, a resolution was unanimously adopted in the caucus, requesting the Senate to reject all appointments made during the late recess, where the removals had been effected for political reasons. In this connection, he gave notice of his intention to introduce a bill to restrict the President as regards his right of removal from office. A committee, headed by Mr. Stevens, was likewise appointed to prepare the business programme of the session; and a resolution was adopted instructing this committee to consider the propriety of enacting a law, fixing the meeting of the next Congress before the time prescribed in the Constitution.

It was thus early exemplified, that the war against the President was to be prosecuted with unabating ardor. This officer was viewed by the revolutionists as the main obstacle in the way of their designs, the enfranchisement of the negro, and its concomitant results. For this purpose, it was resolved to deprive him as much as possible of all the power which his official station placed in his hands. Ever since his breach with the radicals, the President had been the subject of the most bitter and acrimonious abuse, of which history affords an example. From being the admired Southern patriot, after his veto of the Freedmen's Bureau bill, he sunk in radical esteem to the lowest depths of traitorous depravity; and henceforth no language was too intense

to designate the foulness of the Presidential treason. Jefferson Davis, the arch-rebel of the Southern Confederacy, was never maligned with more vituperative denunciation, than was President Johnson, for daring to question the constitutionality of the enactments of the revolutionary Congress.

Since the opening of the Thirty-ninth Congress, in December, 1865, Mr. Stevens was looked upon by his partisan followers as the great champion of the revolution; and the man of all others most fitted by age, intellect and effrontry, to lead the crusade for the overthrow of Confederate Statehood; and, by means of negro suffrage, reverse the classes to be enslaved south of the Potomac. A bold man, and one of reckless daring, is ever needed to head revolutions, and lead them to the performance of deeds that dazzle the unreflecting, but which invoke cries of anguish from considerate observers. These latter, see in such men, the destroyers that devastate human effort, wreck progress, and overthrow the constructions, which time, talent and the skill of man have erected. They are the demons of earth, the infuriates of pandemonium, who ride in chariots of fire, drawn by steeds of fanaticism; and they are sent on missions of woe to call the nations to halt in their careers, and enable them to see whither they are wending. The leader, around whom the revolutionists gathered, Mr. Stevens, was one of the bold, intrepid men of the Robespierrian cast, whose fame ever rests more upon their eccentricity than their philosophical intellectuality. Possessing more than ordinary ability, they astonish their inferiors, rather than overtop their equals.

A political desperado being required to lead the revolutionists to their desired goal, the managers stood aside and allowed Mr. Stevens to assume that lead, for which he had an inordinate ambition. As none had the same brazen audacity as himself, he was accorded a leadership which on no other occasion could he have commanded. His leadership, however, was simply that of the revolutionist, rather than of the dispassionate Statesman, who has the ability to control men by the strength of his logical reasoning. As a district politician, Mr. Stevens was able to exert the control of a despot, which his mentality had framed him; but his power disappeared as he ventured into deeper fords. In the Reform, and in the political conventions of his State, he invariably sunk through lack of ability to cope as a strategist and

Statesman with his political compeers and equals. In his last struggle for the United States Senate, at a time when he seemed to be the recognized leader of his party, in the Lower House of Congress, he fell ingloriously in the conflict, with a man whom history can only regard as a dextrous and unprincipled politician. Following the precedent inaugurated, at the opening of the first session of the Thirty-ninth Congress, the revolutionists, without waiting the Message of the President, as courtesy to the Chief Magistrate dictated, at the bidding of the American Robespierre, entered upon the performance of the programme which rancor and fanaticism had suggested. The Prince of destruction had, at length, enticed the Abolition Congress to the summit of their zeal's pagoda; and temptingly had shown them the deceptive glory that should crown their memories upon the completion of the work of political death, which he dictated. The prospect was enchanting; and, obeying the seductive deceiver, they advanced to the performance of the task assigned them.

The bestowal of the elective franchise upon the African race, would now crown, in abolition estimation, the four years' struggle of blood with appropriate satisfaction. In no place could the movement to this end, be inaugurated with more fitting propriety than in the District of Columbia, where Puritan instruction had for some time been busily elevating, as believed, the sable descendants of Africa to fancied equality with their former Caucasian masters. Accordingly, on the motion of Mr. Morrill, of Maine, the bill to grant suffrage to the freed negroes of the Federal District, was taken up in the Senate. Senators who had deemed it impolitic to concur in this project with the House at the former session, because an election was nearing itself, now laid aside their timidity and advocated the bill with the warmest enthusiasm. Republican Senators no longer made concealment that they viewed the battle for universal suffrage as already won; and that their party would not stop in its course, until the record of this victory was rgistered in the legislation of the nation. After a short discussion, the measure passed the Senate by a strict party vote. It was also taken up in the House, and obtained the like endorsement in that body.

The bill having passed both Houses, was remitted to the President for his signature; but this officer declined to approve the same; and returned it to the House in which it originated.