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tion of the Negro seem to be largely in favor of the proposition by reason of his loss of political rights in the South. Pray tell me what political rights and power would he have, representing one State in the whole sisterhood of States? That State would practically be an alien State. What power would he have for improvement? What ability would he have to obtain from the National Government the recognition which his numbers would ordinarily demand 2 When he is situated among the white race, that which the white race receives from the Government is divided with him. Situated as he would be in his own State and by himself, it would be practically nine millions of black people confronted by seventy millions of white people, and he would receive nothing of the recognition which he receives to-day. Then the expense, if you would consider the question of expense of the exodus of nine millions of people. In all the history of the moving of nations, such an exodus as this has never been accomplished. Let us discuss foreign colonization. 1st. As I have before said, how will you get the consent of the American Negro to his deportation to a foreign land? He is a citizen, and without his consent you cannot take away his rights. Consider a moment the question of expense. It would at the lowest estimate cost in mere transportation more than five hundred millions of dollars, with at least a similar amount to prepare him to go and to sustain him for a time when there. It would take at least thirty years to a half a century in time. To settle the machinery of the movement would take longer than the settlement of the Race Question by rational methods within our own country. Again, the great religious and philanthropic sense of the great American nation would revolt against the deportation of nine millions of Negroes to Central America or to Africa. Practically, with few exceptions, it would mean, in their present state of social and economic development, the turning back to the barbarism of Africa, which is too revolting for discussion, and the Southern people, upon whom to-day falls the greatest burden of the race, who are to-day the greatest sufferers from the racial question, would not permit it. The North would not consent. It would be such a crime that the crime of slavery would pale into insignificance thereby. Many men suggest acquiring by treaty or purchase territory in South or Central America and thereon locating the Negro. In the first place, I do not believe that any government, even among the wretched, mixed, dictator-ridden states of Central America would permit us to unload on them our burden. There will also come the great question of protecting the purchased state, and there will arise all of the complications of our relation to its government, and with it all the endless questions springing from the government of the mongrel state among the nations of South America. I have heard it stated by respectable authorities that many Negroes are clamoring to be exported to Africa. I live among the Negroes, and to my oft-repeated question as to whether they would be willing to go, I have not as yet gotten from one intelligent Negro an affirmative answer. It would seem to me that the non-partisan statement of the Educational Bureau of the United States would be sufficient evidence to do away with the question of massing the Negroes either in foreign colonization or in domestic statehood. Says the able Commissioner: “In educational and in industrial progress this race has accomplished more than it could have achieved if settled in different environments without the aid of the whites. The Negro has needed the experience as well as the aid of the white man. In sections where the colored race has been massed and removed from contact with the whites, the progress of the Negro has been retarded. He is an imitative being, and has a constant desire to attempt whatever he sees the white man do. He believes in the education of his children, because he can see that an increase of knowledge will enable them to better their condition. The Bureau shows that in States where the colored population is highest in proportion to the total population, or where such population is massed in the ‘Black Belt,’ as in South Carolina, Alabama, Mississippi, and Louisiana, there the per cent. of illiteracy is highest.” I would suggest that this reason alone would be potent in settling the Race Question by sending the Negro to himself to live in his own ignorance. In addition to the crime of removal, I repeat that the Negro sent back into Africa in his present state of evolution would simply mean a relapse in his status of civilization. I do not mention this as a case of race inferiority. I do not mean to include in this statement all of the race. There are Negroes who have reached a high degree of intellectuality, but I say in all frankness to send the Negro back to Africa in his present condition would be the crime of the world. The experiment has been tried and it is a horrible failure. In the West Indies and in Liberia we have had examples of what many friends of the Negro race—among others, my distinguished and able friend, the Senator from North Carolina—are insisting should be done with the American Negro. With no intention of depreciating the Negro's ability for self-government, but two examples are sufficient. Take Liberia, upon which state there has been poured millions of dollars by the friends of the Negro; where the highest statesmanship has provided him with a government and a habitation. Here we find a dreadful failure. Says the late minister to Liberia, an intelligent man : “They have no money or currency in circulation of any kind. They have no boats of any character, not even a canoe. The two gunboats England gave them lie rotten on the beach. They have no guns or swords in working condition, nor even a cannon to fire a salute, though they purchased at one time 47,000 dollars' worth of guns from the United States.
“There are only four post-offices in the country, one for each of the four counties. The government has no harbor, wharf, or breakwaters for steamers to land at. The next morning I looked for manufactories, mills, shops, artisan establishments of some kind, furnishing employment to the masses. Not one of any description could be found. I enquired for a hotel. They told me that there was none. No tailor-shop, no blacksmith to make a nail, no tinner to make a cup, no jeweller to set your watch; nothing to amuse you, nothing to engage your time, nothing to keep you in earnest. Look from morning till night, and you will never see a horse, a mule, a donkey, or oxen. They have none. There is not a buggy, a wagon, a cart of any kind, or a wheelbarrow in the four counties. The natives carry everything on their heads. . . . There are one hundred nude persons to every one wearing clothes. They have no statute against indecent exposure. . . . The government contains no public schools of any kind. The missionary schools teach the natives' children exclusively, when the people in this country and in England have expended in Liberia for education and improvement near $7,000,ooo. If everything in Liberia was sold excepting the individuals, not more than $1,000,ooo could be realized. The Colonization Society claims to have aided 22,000 civilized Negroes to go to