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that his civil and political status is not recognized in the South, are in favor of taking him without his consent, absolutely destroying his civil status, and removing him from his home and placing him in another habitation. Speaking practically, how are the statehood dreamers going to get rid of the law of the land, which protects every citizen of this Republic in his home, his liberty, and his country? Plainly speaking, to carry out the plan means the forcible abduction of the Negro race. To leave it to their consent means that the vast majority will not consent to go, and thus the question is not solved. The question teems with difficulties beside which the Race Question is but small. Again, the view of one of the greatest exponents of this idea is to take part of what is known as the arid regions of this country and place thereon the Negro. To be perfectly frank, I think that after the two centuries of vassalage of the Negro, after the wrongs which have been committed upon him, to take him away from his vine and fig-tree, and place him in the arid region of the country would be as great a crime as our enslaving him. Another proposition. There are in this country practically nine millions of Negroes. This is a vast number.

How could we erect that number into

a statehood? Let us consider a moment. The most populous State we have is New York State. It has a little upwards of six millions of people. The next in population is Pennsylvania with upwards of five millions of people. The State of New York has an area of

49,000 square miles. The State of Pennsylvania has 45,000 square miles. Here are two congested States in whose borders the whole civilization of this country has had full play for two centuries, yet there are in these two great States but few more than one-half the number of people than there are negroes in the whole country. I will ask some one who believes in the separate statehood of the Negroes to show us where this extent of territory could be procured. The Northwestern States, in Oregon, Utah, Nebraska, Dakota? From an economic standpoint it is well known that the Negro could not live in this, to him, inhospitable region. He is a creature of the South, and alone in the South can he live. Then, again, how will you procure the territory of the State in which he is to live? By reconstruction? By the destruction of one State and the reconstruction of another? By dismembering sovereignty? Consider for a moment the constitutional limitations of our country. Will any State consent to be dismembered in order that a population necessarily ignorant and inferior shall be placed within its limits? The only method by which you could dismember a State would be with the consent of the people within the State. What State in the Union would consider for a moment its dismemberment in order that it might be created into separate statehood for the Negro? The question is greater than the Race Question. Again, the scheme of domestic colonization means that the

Negroes shall alone inhabit the State. How will you rid the State to be taken of the citizens who have carved its statehood out of the wilderness and who have planted their own civilization within its borders? By the right of eminent domain, forsooth! If that is done, we must change the Constitution. Are we willing to submit ourselves to the throes of other amendments to the Constitution for the settlement of this question? It would produce a greater rocking of the State than the Reconstruction Acts. Then the idea seems to be to place the Negro by himself in his own territory and under his own control. The best men in the North and in the South who have considered this subject believe that it is not right that the American nation should turn the Negro race over to itself at this period of its evolution. In my judgment, the Negro is not ready to be left to himself. It is the duty of the people who brought him here to stand by him and help him in the evolution of this great race problem. Gentlemen, how long, with the fecundity of the Negro race, would his increase be confined within the borders of his State? How long before the government would be called upon to purchase other States for him in the natural order of increase?

Another suggestion: How would it be possible to keep the white man out and the Negro in? The borders of the Negro State would have to be surrounded by the musket and the bayonet. Then take the political question. Those who are in favor of this segrega

tion of the Negro seem to be largely in favor of the proposition by reason of his loss of political rights in the South. Pray tell me what political rights and power would he have, representing one State in the whole sisterhood of States? That State would practically be an alien State. What power would he have for improvement? What ability would he have to obtain from the National Government the recognition which his numbers would ordinarily demand? When he is situated among the white race, that which the white race receives from the Government is divided with him. Situated as he would be in his own State and by himself, it would be practically nine millions of black people confronted by seventy millions of white people, and he would receive nothing of the recognition which he receives to-day. Then the expense, if you would consider the question of expense of the exodus of nine millions of people. In all the history of the moving of nations, such an exodus as this has never been accomplished.

Let us discuss foreign colonization.

Ist. As I have before said, how will you get the consent of the American Negro to his deportation to a foreign land? He is a citizen, and without his consent you cannot take away his rights. Consider a moment the question of expense. It would at the lowest estimate cost in mere transportation more than five hundred millions of dollars, with at least a similar amount to prepare him to go and to sustain him for a time when

there. It would take at least thirty years to a half a century in time. To settle the machinery of the movement would take longer than the settlement of the Race Question by rational methods within our own country. Again, the great religious and philanthropic sense of the great American nation would revolt against the deportation of nine millions of Negroes to Central America or to Africa. Practically, with few exceptions, it would mean, in their present state of social and economic development, the turning back to the barbarism of Africa, which is too revolting for discussion, and the Southern people, upon whom to-day falls the greatest burden of the race, who are to-day the greatest sufferers from the racial question, would not permit it. The North would not consent. It would be such a crime that the crime of slavery would pale into insignificance thereby. Many men suggest acquiring by treaty or purchase territory in South or Central America and thereon locating the Negro. In the first place, I do not believe that any government, even among the wretched, mixed, dictator-ridden states of Central America would permit us to unload on them our burden. There will also come the great question of protecting the purchased state, and there will arise all of the complications of our relation to its government, and with it all the endless questions springing from the government of the mongrel state among the nations of South America.

I have heard it stated by respectable authorities that

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