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of these general plans. I do so for the reason that as quickly as possible the whole of the country should be united upon one conservative plan for the settlement of the Race Question. I do not propose to go into detail. It will no doubt be disappointing that I discuss this question in the manner I propose, but in my judgment every plan should be thoroughly discussed in order that the best one may obtain. Dissipation of ideas is the destruction of our purpose, and it has heretofore largely impeded progress in the practical affairs of the South. Numbers of honest, zealous, and sincere men working upon different plans have accomplished very little, and it is our duty, if at all possible, to combine our theories into a practical unity of plan. When we settle upon a plan as an absolute finality, and all work along those lines, wonders will result. To accomplish this by honest and plain statements seems to be the best. Let us see what are the weak points of the general plan of this settlement of the question. When the acute stage is passed, the practical will immediately appear. When the mind has become settled, the whole body politic can go to work, and thus material advancement will be the immediate result. I base my whole argument upon the idea that in the South the Negro will live. He is here to stay. We had just as well make up our minds to that effect. A number of intelligent people, backed by powerful sentimental influence, look to colonization as the best settlement. It is the oldest idea, and one upon which vasts sums of n.oney have been spent. Is it practicable? Let us consider it. First we will take the question of domestic colonization, which means, in the language of one of its greatest disciples, “the purchasing or procuring of a territory within our limits, erecting it into a statehood and placing thereon all of the colored population of the United States.” This is a dream of the brighest colors, yet but a dream. This plan of late has many and eminent followers in this country. The carrying out of the statehood plan involves the settlement of greater questions than confront us in the Race Question. First consider the question of property. The Negro of the South owns three hundred and fifty thousand farms and homes without incumbrance. He is paying taxes on four hundred million dollars' worth of property. He has great possessions in churches, schools, and colleges. In a thousand ways he is intermingled in the vast rights of innumerable business affairs. With either foreign or domestic colonization, how are you going to get rid of the Negro's property. Sell it? Confiscate it? Force him to sell it? Nay, verily. To do so you have to change the Constitution of the United States and also of the States in which the Negro largely lives. He is under the protection of the Constitutions, National and State. Under the Constitution of the United States, you cannot interfere with his status except for crime. The men generally who propose the exportation of the Negro for the reason that his civil and political status is not recognized in the South, are in favor of taking him without his consent, absolutely destroying his civil status, and removing him from his home and placing him in another habitation. Speaking practically, how are the statehood dreamers going to get rid of the law of the land, which protects every citizen of this Republic in his home, his liberty, and his country? Plainly speaking, to carry out the plan means the forcible abduction of the Negro race. To leave it to their consent means that the vast majority will not consent to go, and thus the question is not solved. The question teems with difficulties beside which the Race Question is but small. Again, the view of one of the greatest exponents of this idea is to take part of what is known as the arid regions of this country and place thereon the Negro. To be perfectly frank, I think that after the two centuries of vassalage of the Negro, after the wrongs which have been committed upon him, to take him away from his vine and fig-tree, and place him in the arid region of the country would be as great a crime as our enslaving him. Another proposition. There are in this country practically nine millions of Negroes. This is a vast number. How could we erect that number into a statehood? Let us consider a moment. The most populous State we have is New York State. It has a little upwards of six millions of people. The next in population is Pennsylvania with upwards of five millions of people. The State of New York has an area of 49,000 square miles. The State of Pennsylvania has 45,000 square miles. Here are two congested States in whose borders the whole civilization of this country has had full play for two centuries, yet there are in these two great States but few more than one-half the number of people than there are negroes in the whole country. I will ask some one who believes in the separate statehood of the Negroes to show us where this extent of territory could be procured. The Northwestern States, in Oregon, Utah, Nebraska, Dakota ? From an economic standpoint it is well known that the Negro could not live in this, to him, inhospitable region. He is a creature of the South, and alone in the South can he live. Then, again, how will you procure the territory of the State in which he is to live? By reconstruction ? By the destruction of one State and the reconstruction of another? By dismembering sovereignty 2 Consider for a moment the constitutional limitations of our country. Will any State consent to be dismembered in order that a population necessarily ignorant and inferior shall be placed within its limits? The only method by which you could dismember a State would be with the consent of the people within the State. What State in the Union would consider for a moment its dismemberment in order that it might be created into separate statehood for the Negro 2 The question is greater than the Race Question. Again, the scheme of domestic colonization means that the Negroes shall alone inhabit the State. How will you rid the State to be taken of the citizens who have carved its statehood out of the wilderness and who have planted their own civilization within its borders? By the right of eminent domain, forsoothl If that is done, we must change the Constitution. Are we willing to submit ourselves to the throes of other amendments to the Constitution for the settlement of this question? It would produce a greater rocking of the State than the Reconstruction Acts. Then the idea seems to be to place the Negro by himself in his own territory and under his own control. The best men in the North and in the South who have considered this subject believe that it is not right that the American nation should turn the Negro race over to itself at this period of its evolution. In my judgment, the Negro is not ready to be left to himself. It is the duty of the people who brought him here to stand by him and help him in the evolution of this great race problem. Gentlemen, how long, with the fecundity of the Negro race, would his increase be confined within the borders of his State? How long before the government would be called upon to purchase other States for him in the natural order of increase ? Another suggestion: How would it be possible to keep the white man out and the Negro in 2 The borders of the Negro State would have to be surrounded by the musket and the bayonet. Then take the political question. Those who are in favor of this segrega

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