in force here, does effectually prevent its being ever put in Execution," was the complaint of Governor Spottswood.

With all the tenacity attending the conflict from Magna Charta down to the end of the Stuart Tyranny, the colonists never lessened their grim determination to absolutely control taxation, and never once was relinquished their effort both to pass every act concerning taxation and to expend the money derived therefrom.

This ideal of patriotism, with its years of sorrow, of travail, and of creation, culminated in the resolutions of Patrick Henry in the Virginia House of Burgesses, in the Declaration of 1776, and the Convention of 1788.

It seemed wise that there should be a dual system of government and before the wasted field was clothed in its robe of green, and ere the patriot had begun to realize his freedom, the divergence began as to the unit of the ideal of the patriotism which is so vitally important to a free government.

Let me here be clearly understood that in choosing as the subject of this address the patriotism of the South, it is not to evince any sectional spirit. It is not from any want of catholic feeling. Whilst we of the South love our land with a wealth of tender sentiment, which possibly does not exist so markedly between other sections of our country and their citizens, because we and ours have sat with the South at the empty table and have walked with her along the road of sorrow, yet the supreme object of our patriotic love is

this great Republic. No section can compare with the whole in our love and regard. Our country, undivided and indivisible, is a supreme object of our patriotic solicitude. Therefore, I am addressing myself to the peculiar spirit and local characteristics of the people of the South, which I believe can, and will, change the tendencies which are dangerous to the Republic.

At first in our country the unit of patriotism was the State. This was natural. This feeling was peculiarly strong in the South. It came about from the traditions of the people and the nature of their situation. The Southern colonies were far separated one from the other. Furthermore, from the difference in the character of charter or government each carried on its own contest for its local rights with the mother country or with the Indians who surrounded them. Each of the colonies was practically a republic. Their citizens met only infrequently, and there obtained the patriarchal and agricultural system which of itself maintained pristine sentiments and conditions.

The practical unit of livelihood was the isolated plantation, and thus each colony of the South had grown with a feeling of local independence. For protection or development it depended upon itself. Thus each colony gradually became individualistic in its sentiments, and was practically independent of the other colonies. Around its own government and its own affairs centred its affections. Agriculture and, latterly the production of two staples largely occupied the people's

time and attention. The populations of the colonies of the South were largely homogeneous, and after the great Scotch-Irish immigration and the German immigration there was practically no immigration into the South. Men from the South who fought in the War of 1812 and the Mexican War and the War of 1860 were the sons and grandsons of the men who carried arms in the Revolution of 1776. The people of the South as I have endeavored to show sprang from the European peoples who had been from time immemorial contesting for their local rights.

Now, such was not the condition in the North. There the rigors of the climate and the topography of the country rapidly brought about a different situation. The people grew together in villages, the meetings between the colonies were relatively frequent. Their intercourse was comparatively easy. They did not preserve the homogeneity of their peoples. New peoples were continually arriving with new ideals, with diverse feelings, with no knowledge or care for the olden traditions of the State. Manufacturing occupied a country filled with rivers and waterfalls and they quickly turned to the sea and covered the ocean with their fleets.

At the time of the Declaration of Independence the ideal of local patriotism was earnest in the North as in the South. Massachusetts was at first filled with the local ideal, but the State was divided and her daughters necessarily did not preserve that ideal which had such

vigorous life in the mother State. The diverse populations and interests of New York prevented the complete development of the local ideal of patriotism.

Notwithstanding these conditions, at first, in the North, fealty to the State obtained and this status largely controlled its sentiment for forty years after the Declaration of Independence. The unit of patriotism was local. Gradually, with the conditions I have mentioned, it began to change and the object of fealty began to be the General Government. Nationalization began to crystallize. New populations were occupying the towns and cities which were springing up in its manufacturing regions. When the new people came, in many instances they occupied new States which were the creations of the General Government. This feeling towards the National Government, this change of the unit of patriotism was increased and accentuated by the second War of Independence. It was enormously strengthened by the Mexican War. It was further strengthened by the economic condition of the North, whose manufacturing energies were largely benefited by the laws passed by the General Government.

The ideal of local patriotism in the North was changing into the ideal of personal liberty. Now do not understand me that there was any lessening of the patriotism of the North. Its ideal was simply changing with the times and with its natural conditions. As the ideal of patriotism generalized under the conditions of the day there quickly grew the ideal of personal

liberty. This ideal was aided in its growth by the economic condition of the South. There the institution of slavery was the most marked development of the Southern life. It was lawful and was recognized by both North and South Economically it was not suited to the North and soon free labor occupied its place.

With the growth of time there arose a sentiment which, so far as the North was concerned, partook of the moral ideal and, rapidly joining with the various causes which I have mentioned, begat in the North a different unit of patriotism. The North was gradually nationalizing around an issue which in its eyes had begun to be a moral issue. The South adhered to her old ideal of fealty to the State, of local patriotism, and being in close contact with those States which she conceived were interfering with her local rights and local institutions naturally intensified her feeling of patriotism to the State. The local unit of patriotism grew stronger with her. In other words, the South practically nationalized around the State, which was her pristine unit of patriotism. The North with her strengthened ideal of personal liberty and fealty to the General Government, which had gradually grown since 1825, believed that the South was violating the spirit of the Constitution, which guaranteed liberty to every man. The South, preserving her old ideals of local patriotism and State fealty, believed that with her was the great moral issue and that her ancient rights,