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ruptible element is smaller than in the States where the illiteracy is proportionately much less. The lesson of these figures is potent, and shows, beyond any question, that the imposition of the intelligence franchise would reach only a very small portion of the vote considered venal, and that the illiterate vote, even if we consider the whole of it venal, would have comparatively small effect, moral or otherwise, upon the total voting population. This vote, comparatively infinitesimal in numbers and unimportant by reason of its ignorance, further loses its power for evil, for it has no cohesiveness, and its strength is dissipated between the parties. More than this, my experience for years has been that the man peculiarly susceptible to corruption is not the one who cannot read and write. The potent elements of corruption are, primarily, the classes which provide the means for corruption, and, secondly, the agents whom they employ to use them. These can always read and write. The mere mechanical power to read and write, add and subtract, will surely not affect a man's political honesty, nor will it make a revolution in the sentiment of the people. Some more potent corrective to corruption is surely needed. You must educate the souls and the lives of the people with a higher and better education than that imparted by the knowledge of a few elementary books. This education must reach their love of country and envelop the people with a nobler and a grander and purer ideal of citizenship. What is needed is an education of their citizenship, not a mere education of the mind. This is the only education which can reach the crisis of to-day. More than this, will not the rapidly decreasing illiteracy resulting from our system of education soon destroy the necessity for an intelligence qualification for the franchise? Above these considerations there is a higher and more potent objection to the reimposition of the franchise limitation. This objection touches the very heart of the nation's being. It will be turning our lives against the advance of modern political science. The sovereignty of the whole people is the dominant, aggressive, and vital principle of to-day throughout the world. It has made a democracy of England and a republic of France. Its spirit jostles the soldiers in Berlin, and it controls monarchical Europe. It shakes the Czar sitting on the only despotic throne in civilization. This spirit was born with our Republic, and should we be the power to arrest its development throughout the nations of the world? Would it not fix the attention of civilization upon class as the model we give it upon which to rebuild the institutions of government? Shall we bind the hands of this potent spirit and say to the people of the world, struggling against king and emperor and class and privilege, that the fundamental theory of our government is at fault, and that the people cannot be entirely trusted? Could we, in justice to our theory of government, send this message to the world after a hundred years of our civilizing free government? Shall we place Chinese shoes on American feet and put the American citizen in a Procrustean bed 2 Would it not be an unhappy lesson for free government? Should we not rather take lessons from our old mother England? With a limited franchise, her elections were corrupt, and her administrative abuses were enormous. With a gradual change in her franchise to an almost universal suffrage, we behold corruption practically abolished and governmental abuses almost unknown. Verily, the remedy must be deeper. Sir, there must be reform, and it must come from the higher classes. It must be a true reform of the people, and not in the mere machinery of suffrage. The protest against the tendencies of the day must begin with you and me, and its action must be continuous and not ephemeral. It must not be a crusade, but should be a part of our lives. It should not express itself by a sermon once a year, illustrated by a trip to the slums under the protection of a policeman ; but the inculcation of high political morals should be part and parcel of our everyday work and teachings of the church. We must demand that those in control of the affairs of commercial influences shall keep their hands away from the people, and by precept and example sternly enforce that demand. The pruning of the political tree must begin at the top and not at the root. The danger to the Re

public is not to-day to be feared from the lower classes. The intelligent and critical classes who are not interested in some governmental policy for personal purposes have left the practical control of political affairs to the other classes of the body politic. This is essentially a political nation, and if the intelligent and disinterested citizen does not interest himself in governmental affairs either those interested for selfish purposes or the ignorant will take control. This government, while a free government, will not run itself. It is founded upon the joint exertion of all of its citizens and not alone on the efforts of the corner grocery man and the place hunter. The people are guided by intelligence; and the disinterested and intelligent classes in this country, if they will but interest themselves in political affairs, will be the great potential factors in our political life. I repeat that the corrective influence must begin work in its own class and enforce its demand for pure government. It will surely succeed, for the people will earnestly respond to the demand of the disinterested and intelligent citizen. This government is founded upon the people. I believe in the people and they love this government and revere its abiding principles. They believe in the permanency of our free institutions. They love the Constitution, and whilst in moments of haste and passion they may wander, yet surely will they return to the vital principles of popular government. An honest appeal to the patriotism of the people has never yet by them been disregarded. The reform of mere political machinery will not suffice for this critical epoch in our governmental affairs. The people must again be summoned to their tents, the rich and the poor, the learned and the unlearned, abiding together as of old, and the palladium of our faith, which has ever guided us in all our wanderings, must be again brought to our view. Hear again the law and listen to the real hope for the correction of the wrong tendencies of the Democracy: “Equal and exact justice to all men of whatever state or persuasion, religious or political ; peace, commerce, and honest friendship with all nations, entangling alliances with none; the support of the State governments in all their rights, as the most competent administrations of our domestic concerns and the surest bulwarks against anti-republican tendencies; the preservation of the General Government in its whole constitutional vigor, as a sheet-anchor of our peace at home and safety abroad; a jealous care of the right of election by the people; a mild and safe correction of abuses, which are lopped by the sword of revolution, when peaceable remedies are unprovided ; absolute acquiescence in the decisions of the majority, the vital principle of republics, from which there is no appeal but to force, the vital principle and immediate parent of despotism; a well disciplined militia, our best reliance in peace, and for the first moments in war, till regulars can relieve them ; the supremacy of the civil over the military authority; economy in the public expense, that labor may be lightly burdened ; the

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