witness of the consequences greater than mine. If, however, the vote should pass to reject, and a spirit should rise, as it will, with the public disorders, to make "confusion worse confounded," even I, slender and almost broken as my hold upon life is, may outlive the government and Constitution of my country.

11. GEORGE WASHINGTON, OF VIRGINIA.-FARE

WELL ADDRESS

(Published September 19, 1796.)

THE same year-and in part the same circumstances of party sympathy and antipathy for France and England respectively that produced Ames's speech on the British treaty, also called forth Washington's Farewell Address.

In no department of our government is the influence of Washington more traceable than in the conduct of foreign affairs. Reared to a life of action rather than of reflection, his talents were essentially those of a man of affairs, and not those of a political theorist. No schemes of government were contributed by him in the Philadelphia Convention: his part was purely one of moral influence. So, too, in the organization of the government under the Constitution, the initiation of the measures needed was left largely to the members of his cabinet.

In the field of foreign affairs, however, where Americans were divided between conflicting opinions, the conservative temperament and sound judgment of Washington eminently fitted him to take the lead. Jefferson, his Secretary of State, though a brilliant theorist on government, was unfitted to mark out a safe foreign policy: his sympathies were too entirely with France; his judgment too

GEORGE WASHINGTON. Born in Virginia, 1732; in command of a Virginia company against the French, 1754; appointed commander-in-chief of Virginia forces, 1755; member of Continental Congress, 1774; commander-in-chief of the American army, 1775-83; president of the Federal Convention, 1787; President of the United States, 1789-97; died, 1799.

warped by prejudice and passion, and by blind reliance upon the instincts of the people. And where Jefferson erred on one side, Hamilton erred on the other. One was

too democratic, the other too aristocratic; one was too French, the other too British. It required a calm judgment and a firm will to keep the balance even, and these were the special traits of Washington.

It is difficult for us to-day to appreciate what it cost Washington in popularity to maintain his policy of “a fair neutrality" between England and France. A republican newspaper in 1796 dared to use this language of him: "If ever a nation was debauched by a man, the American nation has been debauched by Washington. If ever a nation was deceived by a man, the American nation has been deceived by Washington. Let his conduct then be an example to future ages; let it serve to be a warning that no man may be an idol; let the history of the Federal government instruct mankind that the mask of patriotism may be worn to conceal the foulest designs against the liberties of the people."

It was the widespread existence of this blind party spirit, and of divisions based upon partisanship for England or France, which called forth Washington's memorable address, published September 19, 1796. Its composition was largely the work of Hamilton, but its principles are truly Washington's. Interesting information concerning its preparation, with copies of its successive draughts, may be found in Ford, Writings of George Washington, Vols.

XII and XIII.

F

[GEORGE WASHINGTON, Farewell Address, September 19, 1796.]

RIENDS AND FELLOW CITIZENS: The period for a

new election of a citizen to administer the executive government of the United States being not far distant, and the time actually arrived when your thoughts must be employed in designating the person who is to be clothed with that important trust, it appears to me proper, especially as it may conduce to a more distinct expression of the public voice, that I shouid now apprise you of the resolution I have formed, to decline being considered among the number of those out of whom a choice is to be made.

I beg you, at the same time, to do me the justice to be assured that this resolution has not been taken without a strict regard to all the considerations appertaining to the relation which binds a dutiful citizen to his country; and that in withdrawing the tender of service which silence, in my situation, might imply, I am influenced by no diminution of zeal for your future interest, no deficiency of grateful respect for your past kindness, but am supported by a full conviction that the step is compatible with both.

Here, perhaps, I ought to stop. But a solicitude for your welfare, which can not end but with my life, and the apprehension of danger, natural to that solicitude, urge me on an occasion like the present to offer to your solemn contemplation, and to recommend to your frequent review, some sentiments which are the result of much reflection, of no inconsiderable observation, and which appear to me all-important to the permanency of your felicity as a people. These will be offered to you with the more freedom, as you can only see in them the disinterested warnings of a parting friend, who can possibly have no personal motive to bias his counsel. Nor can I forget, as an encouragement to it, your indulgent reception of my sentiments on a former and not dissimilar occasion.

Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament

of your hearts, no recommendation of mine is necessary to fortify or confirm the attachment.

The unity of government, which constitutes you one people, is also now dear to you. It is justly so, for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence, the support of your tranquillity at home, your peace abroad, of your safety, of your prosperity, of that very liberty which you so highly prize. But as it is easy to foresee, that from different causes and from different quarters, much pains will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth; as this is the point in your political fortress against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively (though often covertly and insidiously) directed: it is of infinite moment that you should properly estimate the immense value of your national union to your collective and individual happiness; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immovable attachment to it; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as of the palladium of your political safety and prosperity, watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can in any event be abandoned; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts.

For this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest. Citizens, by birth or choice, of a common country, that country has a right to concentrate your affections. The name of American, which belongs to you in your national capacity, must always exalt the just pride of patriotism more than any appellation derived from local discriminations. With slight shades of difference, you have the same religion, manners, habits, and political principles. You have, in a common cause, fought and triumphed together; the independence and liberty you possess, are the