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had been suspended in the States of Georgia, So h Carolina, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Texas and Florida. All the National property, in these States had been appropriated by the insurgents. They had seized all the forts, arsenals, &c., except those on the Florida coast, and Fort Sumter in Charleston harbor, and these were then in a state of siege by the rebel forces. The National arms had been seized and were in the hands of hostile armies. Large numbers of officers of the United States Army, and Navy, had resigned and taken up arms against their Government. He reviewed the facts in relation to Fort Sumter, and showed that by the attack upon it, the insurgents began the conflict of arms, thus forcing upon the country immediate dissolution or war. No choice was left but to call into action the war powers of the Government, and to resist the force employed for its destruction, by force for its preservation. The call for troops was made, and the response was most gratifying. Yet no slave State except Delaware, had given a regiment through State organization. He then reviewed the action of Virginia, including the seizure of the National armory at Harper's Ferry and the Navy-yard at Gosport, near Norfolk. "The people

of Virginia had permitted the insurrection to make its nest within her borders, and left the Government no choice but to deal with it, where it found it." He then reviews the action of the Government, the calls for troops, the blockade of the ports in the rebellious States, and the suspension of the writ of habeas corpus. He asked Congress to confer upon him. the power to make the conflict short and decisive. He asked to have placed at his disposal, 400,000 men, and 400 millions of money. Alluding to the desire of the people to furnish the men and money necessary to maintain the Union, he said, "the people will save their Government, if the Government itself will do its part only indifferently well."

He calls attention to the fact, that ours is a Government of the people, and they appreciate it; that while large numbers of the officers of the army and navy had proved "false to the hand which had pampered them, not one common soldier or common sailor is known to have deserted his flag." It is worthy of note, that the President in this, his first

message, as in so many of his speeches and State papers, calls attention to the great fundamental principle of our Government, the equality of all. He quotes the clause in the Declaration of Independence, that "all men are created equal,” and contrasted it with the aristocratic features of the Government, sought to be created on its ruins. Those who knew Mr. Lincoln best, knew that he looked, confidently, to the ultimate extinction of slavery. It is clear, that in accordance with his cautious character, he hoped to destroy it by gradual emancipation. From the beginning, he watched and gladly used every means which his prudent and scrupulous mind recognized as right and proper, to hasten its ultimate overthrow.

Congress responded promptly to the call of the President, and voted 500,000 men, and 500 millions of dollars to suppress the insurrection.

At this memorable session, Congress commenced a series of measures, which, in connection with the action of President Lincoln and the victories of the Union arms, resulted in the downfall of African slavery.

On the 4th of December, 1861, a resolution introduced by Senator Trumbull, unanimously passed the Senate, “That John C. Breckinridge, the traitor, be, and he hereby is, expelled." Some of the debates of this session, were of exceeding interest. Among the most dramatic was a debate between Breckinridge, of Kentucky, and Colonel Baker, of Oregon. Breckinridge received from the fiery and eloquent Senator, a terrible rebuke for his treachery.

Baker, in a speech made on the 1st day of August, in reply to the treasonable utterances of Breckinridge, said:

"What would the Senator from Kentucky, have? These speeches of his, sown broadcast over the land, what clear distinct meaning have they? Are they not intended for disorganization in our very midst? Are they not intended to destroy our zeal? Are they not intended to animate our enemies? Sir, are they not words of brilliant polished treason, even in the very Capital of the Republic?" [Here there were such manifestations of applause in the galleries, as were with difficulty suppressed.]

Mr. Baker resumed, and turning directly to Mr. Breckinridge, enquired:

BAKER'S REPLY TO BRECKINRIDGE.

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"What would have been thought, if, in another Capital, in another Republic, in a yet more martial age, a Senator as grave, not more eloquent or dignified than the Senator from Kentucky, yet with the Roman purple flowing over his shoulders, had risen in his place, surrounded by all the illustrations of Roman glory, and declared that the cause of advancing Hannibal was just, and that Carthage ought to be dealt with in terms of peace? What would have been thought if, after the battle of Cannæ, a Senator there had risen in his place, and denounced every levy of the Roman people, every expenditure of its treasure, and every appeal to the old recollections and the old glories?"

There was a silence so profound throughout the Senate and galleries, that a pinfall could have been heard, while every eye was fixed upon Breckinridge. Fessenden exclaimed, in deep low torres, "he would have been hurled from the Tarpean Rock!"

Baker resumed:

"Sir, a Senator, himself learned far more than myself, in such lore, Mr. Fessenden) tells me, in a voice that I am glad is audible, that he would have been hurled from the Tarpean Rock.' It is a grand commentary upon the American Constitution, that we permit these words of the Senator from Kentucky, to be uttered. I ask the Senator to recollect, too, what, save to send aid and comfort to the enemy, do these predictions amount to? Every word thus uttered, falls as a note of inspiration upon every Confederate ear. Every sound thus uttered, is a word, (and falling from his lips, a mighty word) of kindling and triumph to a foe that determines to advance."

This was that Baker, brilliant alike as an orator and a soldier, who, on the prairies of Illinois, had contested the palm of eloquence and popular favor with Lincoln and Douglas; he, who had gone to California, and pronounced the memorable funeral oration over the murdered Broderick, assassinated because, as he said, "he was opposed to the extension of slavery and a corrupt administration." Going thence to Oregon, he came to Washington as its Senator. After a short and brilliant career in the Senate, he fell, pierced with nine bullets at Ball's Bluff, one of the early martyrs of the war, because, as he said, "a United States Senator must not retreat."

In conspicuous contrast with Breckinridge, stood ANDREW JOHNSON, of Tennessee. Born in the humblest station, without the advantages of education, a man before he learned to read, yet his vigorous intellect and indomitable will soon raised him to distinction. In the winter of 1860-61, while all around him seemed treacherous and faithless, he stood firm, "faithful among the faithless." Confidence in his supposed firm integrity and unswerving patriotism were such, that a party with which he became associated only because it was identified with the cause of his country, generously offered him the second office in its gift.

On the 2d day of March, 1861, in reply to Senator Lane, of Oregon, Johnson, turning to the party of conspirators, who still lingered in the Senate, exclaimed, "who is it, that has fired on our flag? Who has given instructions to take our arsenals and dock-yards, to sack mints, and steal custom houses? Those who have done this, have they not been guilty of treason? Show me who has been engaged in these conspiracies, who has fired on our flag," said he, turning towards the rebel Senators, "Who telegraphed to take our forts, dock-yards, mints, and armories? Show me who did this, and I will show you a traitor.”

This sentiment was received with applause by the galleries, crowded with Union men, then present in Washington to witness the inauguration of Mr. Lincoln. Mr. Clingman called for the clearing of the galleries, but it was not insisted on. “If individuals were pointed out to me," Johnson contin ued, "who were engaged in nightly conspiracies, in secret conclaves, issuing orders, directing the capture of our forts, and the taking of our custom houses, I would show you the traitors; and that being done, the persons pointed out, coming within the purview and scope of the Constitution, were I President, I would have done as Jefferson did with Aaron-BurrI would have arrested them, I would have caused them to be tried for treason, and if found guilty, by the Eternal God, I would execute them!" Such was the temper of Johnson, in 1861. He took his seat, the crowds in the galleries tried to repress their feelings, but they could not restrain themselves. First, a faint cheer from the ladies' gallery, then the clapping of a pair of fair hands-then one general, universal cheer, and

then three cheers for the Union, and three more for Andrew Johnson, shook the dome of the Senate Chamber.

Johnson had zealously supported Breckinridge for President, and yet, when his treason was developed, he did not hesitate one moment, in denouncing the traitor.

On the 27th of July, in a speech in reply to Breckinridge, after quoting a remark, that "when traitors become numerous enough, treason becomes respectable." Yet, said he, "God being willing, whether traitors be many or few, as I have hitherto waged war against traitors and treason, I intend to continue it to the end."

His denunciation of Jefferson Davis was vehement and severe. He said, "Davis-a man educated and nurtured by the Government, who sucked its pap, who received from it all his military instruction, a man who got all his distinction, civil and military, in the service of this Government, beneath its flag, and then without cause, without being deprived of a single right or privilege- the sword he unsheathed in vindication of the stars and stripes in a foreign land, given to him by the hand of a cherishing mother, he stands this day, prepared to plunge into her bosom.”

Conspicuous among the body of able Senators from New England, was Charles Sumner, with a reputation as an orator, a scholar, a philanthropist, extending beyond his own country. He was recognized as worthy to represent the best and noblest, the most cultivated and purest manhood of Massachusetts. In intellect worthy to fill the place of Everett; in purity and learning, the worthy disciple of John Quincy Adams; in singleness of purpose, in devotion to the broadest humanity and liberty for all, he was a worthy representative of those, who first taught the great Christian principle of the common Father and the Universal brotherhood of man. He had experienced in his own person, the cowardly brutality and barbarism, the legitimate offspring of slavery. The same spirit which starved to death Union prisoners at Andersonville, had sought to assassinate Sumner in the Senate Chamber. The bludgeon of Brooks and the pistol of Booth, were alike aimed by slavery. Providence directed that the life of Lincoln should be crowned by the death of a martyr, but

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