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The ADDRESS was then read by W. J. A. FULLER, and the RESOLUTIONS by FRANCIS KETCHUM, and they were adopted with unanimity and cheers.

SPEECH OF L. E. CHITTENDEN.

FELLOW-CITIZENS,-I have taken myself out of the changeless routine of the Treasury Department, in Washington, and have come here hoping to find myself among a live people. [A voice, "You will."] Yes, I hope there is a people here alive to the necessities of the present moment. Fellow-citizens, the voice of sixteen months of war, tells us in tones that must be heeded, that the time for talking has passed; that the time has come, when it is the duty of every citizen of a loyal State, to offer his services to the Government in whatever capacity they may be most available. If I had not offered mine before I came here, I would not appear before you to-day. [Applause.] I am so full of this subject, that I do not like to trust myself to talk about it. I come from a city, and that city the capital of this nation, in which we were cut off for a week from communication with you, by traitors-where barricaded corridors, forts, and earthworks, spoke eloquently of attacks impending from an armed enemy. This was a long year ago, and yet, after all the preparation, after all the expense which that year has witnessed, it is not eight weeks since loyal men were alarmed for the safety of that very city! We who live in close proximity to the enemy, nay, with the minions of that enemy by hundreds among us, appreciate the dangers by which we are surrounded. Men of New-York, I wish for one short hour you could be made to realize the necessity which this moment presses on you. Do you consider this Government worth preserving? [Cries of Yes! Yes! Is this free Republic, planted by your ancestors, nourished by their blood, left to you as their richest legacy, worth preserving! Do you feel, that you, your wives, your children, have an interest in it which ought to be dearer than their lives? [Loud cries of "Yes."] Yes, you do. Then let me tell you, that perhaps the day may be approaching, it may be near, when every one of you who can shoulder a musket or draw a sabre, will be obliged to do it if this nation is to live.

Gentlemen, the South went into this war with a purpose. [A voice, "That's so."] They have never debated questions about which our Congress and our Government have wasted so much time. These rebels declared at first, "We propose to overthrow your Government, to utterly destroy it." They began by confiscating every dollar of debts owed by Southern men to the North. They followed it up by imprisoning every man within their reach who was in sympathy with the Union and the Government which we inherited from Washington and the Fathers of the Republic; not only that, but they said to us in effect, "We propose to fight you, to take your property, to destroy your lives. To accomplish this, we will use every means within our grasp; we will use Indian savages as our allies; we will tear open the graves of your dead, and make merchandise of the bones from which the worms have not yet stripped the uncorrupted flesh; we will go into battle with the 'no quarter' cry of the red-handed barbarian upon our lips, and the black flag of the pirate waving over our heads." Such ideas as these fired the Southern heart sixteen months ago when they fired the first gun at Fort Sumter, and the

history of the times tells how well they have carried them into practice What have we been doing all this time! We have been treating these gentlemen with the most distinguished consideration. [A voice, "That's so."] We could not confiscate their property! Oh, no! Nothing but a life interest in it! All the rest we are bound under the Constitution to protect. But, gentlemen, it is no pleasure to me, it cannot be to any one, to dwell upon the policy which we have pursued since the rebellion broke out. Out of it stands patent and undisguised, this great, this important, this, to many a household, solemn fact-that the soil of rebel States has been crimsoned with the blood of a hundred and twenty-five thousand brave and loyal men, and still rebellion is as defiant as ever. Has not this gone far enough? [Loud cries of "Yes, yes!"] Has not the time come to declare war, and a vigorous war against the South! War with all its consequences to persons and to property? ["Yes, yes!" and tremendous cheers.] Yes, and would to Heaven the voice with which you speak it, might reach the Congress and the Cabinet which just now need encouragement like that!

At this moment a procession of sailors with bands and banners passed by. It was composed of ship-carpenters from the Navy Yard, and the enthusiasm increased when three rousing cheers were given for the Navy. The scene was a splendid one as they marched round the Square.

Mr. CHITTENDEN continued:

This is no time for fault-finding or complaint. I care not, I do not ask, who has been responsible for the policy upon which the war has been conducted. We have tried it-it has failed, and is it not high time to change it? [Loud cries of "Yes!"] Let us have no more protection of the persons or the property of disloyal men. I have met officers of our army from the valley of the Shenandoah who drew a picture of the vigorous manner in which the property of rebels there was guarded. These men were in the Southern army-all of them. Their women derided and abused Union soldiers. Sick men lay in miserable hovels and died there, while splendid residences of rebel owners stood close by. A soldier could not take so much as a chicken without being punished for it. By and by Stonewall Jackson sweeps up the valley with an overwhelming force, and our retreating troops are shot down from the windows of the very houses they have saved from destruction. [A voice, "Destroy the inhabitants."] Gentlemen, I assert that it is time to proclaim to every Winchester in the so-called Southern Confederacy, that there shall not be left one article above ground in such a town, that fire can consume! [Great enthusiasm.] Let our policy be every piece of property belonging to a rebel that will do a Union man good, take it; if it won't do him any good, burn it. [Tremendous cheers and cries of "That's the talk."] Gentlemen, we have been fighting the rebels and Providence, too. That is an unequal warfare. The slavery question lies at the bottom of the whole. That was the cause of this rebellion, we all know. [Cheers, and cries of "That's so."] I believe it is one of the eternal decrees of Providence, that with this war slavery in this republic shall die. [Loud cheering.] When the

North accepts this truth, and goes into the war understanding it, and prepared to carry it out, then disaster and disgrace will cease to attend our arms. Then, and not till then, shall we be successful.

I have no special admiration for the negro, as all know who know me. But the negro is a great fact in this contest, and we cannot get rid of him if we would. Now, I would treat him in this connection as I would treat any other person or thing. Is he of use to the enemy? Take him away! Can he be made use of to our men? Let them use him! Why all this idle sensitiveness on account of the negro? He can dig a ditch; he can build an earthwork; he can do a thousand things which wear out the lives of your soldiers, better than they. Let him do them! My doctrine is to put this whole subject under the control of the commanders of our armies. They understand it better than you or I. Do not hamper them with restrictions or conditions. Only let this fact be thundered into the ears of every disloyal man North or South. There is no law, there is no officer, civil or military, which will aid a rebel to recapture his slave. [Cries of good, and cheers.] The armies of the Union are not slave hunters, [Cheers,] and the slave of a rebel master who has performed one act in the service of the Government, and in putting down this rebellion, is from that moment a free man, and the strong arm of the nation shall crush the traitor who seeks again to enslave him. [Cheers.]

We are told now that another element is to enter into this war. Rumors are rife of foreign intervention. [Cries of "Let them come.”] So say I. It is by no grace or favor of European monarchies, and of England especially, that this nation lives. We expect England to strike us just when and where we are weakest. She would not be true to herself or her history if she did not. I do not undervalue the importance of foreign intervention. I do not know but some such event is needed to rouse the North, and make her put forth her strength. Let England and France now attack us, and the North would be electrified. That English or French regiment is not raised, nor ever will be, that can reach a point twenty miles inland in any Northern State. There is not a stone by the roadside that would not blush for itself, if it had not behind it a true man and a trusty rifle in such an event. [Loud cheering]

Mr Chittenden complimented our generals, but insisted that there was a defect somewhere in the management of this war. We were thirty millions of people against four, and yet upon every important battlefield the forces of the rebels had outnumbered ours-in the last battles before Richmond, two to one. The North must go into the field with the same energy and numbers as the South. General Pope had announced the true theory of war. Adopt the policy his orders inaugurate. We have had too much of that style of war which is always looking for lines of defence and ways of retreat. Let us look only at what line of defence the rebels have, that we may march upon it. Let us observe their line of retreat for there lies our way. Subsist our armies on the enemy. Pay our troops from the gold of the enemy. Have done with permanent stores, with supply trains and baggage transportation. The views of such men as Pope must now control our armies; then will the war be carried on in earnest, and then will it be successful.

He concluded amid applause.

SPEECH OF WILLIAM ALLEN BUTLER.

Mr. WILLIAM ALLEN BUTLER was next introduced by the Chair

man.

FELLOW-CITIZENS, This is a meeting for business. We are not here, on a gala day, to hear ourselves talk, but to act in a great crisis. [Cheers.] We have heard, from the speaker who preceded me, what we have heard before, once and again, that the capital is in danger. The appeal now made to us by the Government is not a new one. We have responded to it before. If I am asked how we have responded, I point to the gallant Seventh, I point to the seventy-two regiments which have been organized and equipped in the Empire City since the outbreak of the rebellion. [Cheers.] I point to Wall-street and its banks. I point to every citizen of every class and country, from the private in the Sixty-ninth [loud cheers] to the men of largest wealth and influence, and I say that to every summons of duty New-York has given a prompt and a noble response. More than twelve months ago, around this very Square, at the same hour as on this day, we met for a like purpose. Not far from the spot where I am now speaking to you, a man stood up and spoke these words, "This rebellion must be put down. It may take seventy thousand men. What then? We have them. It may take seven hundred thousand men. What then? We have them." These were the words of Colonel Baker. [Cheers.]

He fell at Ball's Bluff, the victim, if not of military treason, of military incompetency. He is gone-we are here. The seventy thousand men Six hundred thousand men have been given, but the rebellion

are gone.

is not put down. The question for us to-day is, not whose fault is it. The simple question is, shall it be put down? [Cries of "Yes!"] We are not here to criticise or to blame, but to ask ourselves what is our individual duty. What is your duty-what is mine? What will you do? [Cries of All we can."] What will I do? I reply, every man of us, who can go in person, should go at once. If a man cannot go himself let him get his neighbor to go. If he can neither go himself nor send his neighbor, let him give what he can in aiding others to go. Let every man give; the rich from their abundance, the poor from their toil. This is our part. We may have our views and our preferences, but this is not the time for them. This rebellion will never be subdued unless we respond as we ought to, to this new call to duty. Will you do it? ["Yes!"] As for the Government, the policy it needs is summed up in the single word-fight. ["That's it."] I would say this to Abraham Lincoln, and to every general and every man in the field. Fight with every weapon and use every means of success. As our armies advance, every man, who is a friend, should be welcomed, whatever his condition or color. [Cheers.] If he can dig, give him a pick. If he can fight, give him a musket. Take aid wherever we can get it. I read yesterday that James Buchanan had given $100 as a contribution to the sick and wounded Pennsylvania volunteers! Even his money I would take. [Laughter and cheers.] It may help to smooth the pillow or stanch the wound of some brave fellow who has fallen in the effort to redress the wrongs his treachery inflicted. Let the Government pursue this plain policy, and let every man sustain it by all the means in his power, and with God's blessing on our arms we are as certain to succeed as to-day's sun is sure to set. [Loud applause.]

THE YOUNG MEN'S MEETING.

STAND No. 5.

This stand was under the auspices of Committees of the Mercantile Library Association, and the Young Men's Christian Association.

These bodies not being represented in the Convention of Committees, but at a late hour expressing a desire to participate in the great loyal demonstration, were invited to do so. The proceedings on this stand were conducted by the young men without interference from the General Committee of Management.

BENJ. F. MANIERRE called the meeting to order and introduced, as presiding officer, Major-General JOHN C. FREMONT, who came forward amid great applause, and called upon the Rev. JOSEPH T. DURYEA to commence the exercises with prayer.

THE PRAYER.

O God our Heavenly Father, the God of our fathers, and our God. We look up to Thee at the beginning of this meeting for Thy presence. We acknowledge Thee to be the Lord. We acknowledge Thee to be the God of the whole earth. Our nation is dependent upon Thee, and from Thee we receive our national existence. Secure us in these our times of peril, and unite all the hearts of this great people with the sentiments of purpose, and of ardor, and zeal. Concentrate all the powers and resources of this country to our salvation from the enemy which threatens our national existence. O God, fill the hearts of the young with the power of the spirit of self-sacrifice, and let not one of us withhold our gifts and our powers, and influence, or our children, from this cause, which may give to us Liberty, and benefit the race of mankind. We pray that Thou wilt bless the President of the United States, and all who have authority under him, giving them wisdom, giving them courage, singleness of purpose, and innocence of heart. May the foreign nations of the earth understand, that our single aim is to remove the enemy before us, and reunite all parts of the land under the control of one Government. We pray that thou wilt bless the army on the field, the officers who are now present, and those who in our hospitals, are on the bed of sickness. Give courage to them, and accept us all for Jesus Christ's sake, Amen!

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